Einstein hated standardized testing, but the reasons why will surprise you.
These days, we like to quantify everything, from fitness (number of steps walked) to popularity (number of friends or followers on social media). Genius, however, is notoriously hard to measure.
News reports featuring contemporary individuals able to perform remarkable mental feats inevitably compare them to Einstein and other brilliant minds of the past. Often, such comparison is made using IQ. The trouble is that there is no record of Einstein taking a full IQ test and having it scored objectively by psychologists. It has just been guessed, not measured. Moreover, over the decades there have been many different types of IQ tests, each of which has its own range and scoring criteria. Consequently, any IQ comparison between Einstein and a purported modern-day savant is essentially meaningless.
Einstein himself never liked standardized testing. To evaluate a potential new research assistant, for instance, he preferred reference letters written by scholars that he trusted and other more personal methods. Perhaps his distrust of quantitative measures was fueled by several uncomfortable incidents in his life, including an awkward attempt at a questionnaire written by Thomas Edison.
Thomas Edison IMAGE/Oregonlive.com
Edison’s questionnaire tested facts that, in his opinion, an educated person should know. He gave it to job applicants at his company, thinking that a basic knowledge of science and related subjects offered an ideal background for helping develop new products. His philosophy was that practical self-learning was much more important than a university education.
When Einstein embarked on his first visit to America in 1921, Edison sensed competition. After all, long before relativity became a household word, everyone had been in awe of the marvelous achievements of the Wizard of Menlo Park, as Edison was called — dubbed so for the New Jersey community where he had created many of his inventions. From the incandescent light bulb to the phonograph, who could not be impressed by the Wizard’s innovations?
Yet by recasting the laws of nature themselves, clearly Einstein’s wonders overshadowed even Edison’s. Einstein was lauded when measurements of deflected starlight during the 1919 solar eclipse confirmed predictions of his general theory of relativity. By 1921, he was already an international celebrity.
Prosecutors suspected former French President Nicolas Sarkozy (in dark suit) of receiving tens of millions of euros from Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s regime IMAGE/AFP/The New Arab
‘If you want to be a great politician, you need great troubles; petty
troubles are for petty politicians.’ So declared Nicolas Sarkozy in
2018, leaping to the defence of his protégé Gérald Darmanin – now
Macron’s justice minister, then facing several rape accusations. By his
own metric, Sarkozy sits comfortably among the greats of the Fifth
Republic. This Thursday, the former president appeared before a Paris
magistrates’ court to hear the verdict in his corruption trial, accused
of taking millions – perhaps as many as fifty – from Muammar Gaddafi’s
Libya to bankroll his 2007 presidential campaign.
The proceedings were of rare magnitude: more than a decade of
investigation, thirteen defendants including the former head of state,
three of his ministers and a handful of high-flying middlemen. A
sizeable crowd turned out for the occasion – two courtrooms filled to
capacity, with an overflow auditorium showing the session on a giant
screen. Among the defendants, Sarkozy sat beside his childhood friend
and former Minister for National Identity Brice Hortefeux; behind them,
in the public benches, were Sarkozy’s wife, Carla Bruni, and three sons,
including Louis, a twenty-something New York University graduate and
rising star of France’s populist right. Opposite sat representatives of
the Libyan state, a civil party in the case, joined by anti-corruption
NGOs and families of the victims of UTA Flight 772, brought down over
the Ténéré desert, a bombing attributed to Gaddafi’s intelligence
services. Conspicuously absent was Ziad Takieddine, the fixer long
accused of serving as the main conduit of Libyan funds to Sarkozy’s
circle. He had died two days earlier in the city of Tripoli, Lebanon,
where he was evading an arrest warrant – ‘a bitter coincidence’,
remarked the presiding magistrate.
When the sentences came down, they were heavy. Alexandre Djouhri, the
Franco-Algerian power broker once thought untouchable, was given six
years in prison with an immediate committal order. Sarkozy received five
years, with incarceration deferred: he has a few weeks to turn himself
in, though at seventy his age makes him eligible for special
consideration, to be determined on appeal in six months’ time. At some
400 pages, the judgement is a landmark ruling. Sarkozy stands convicted
of criminal conspiracy, with the court affirming that between 2005 and
2007 his entourage maintained clandestine contacts with the Libyan
regime. But he was acquitted of the charge of illegal campaign
financing: while investigators identified suspect flows of money from
Libya, they were unable to prove conclusively that the funds in question
had reached the ex-president. The court also dismissed a document long
central to the case – a purported note from Gaddafi’s foreign minister
Moussa Koussa, dated December 2006, pledging €50 million for Sarkozy’s
campaign. First published by Mediapart in 2012, the document was putatively found amid a trove of Takieddine’s personal papers supplied to the press by his ex-wife.
Sliman Mansour (Palestine), The Sea Is Mine, 2016.
7 October 2025 will mark the second anniversary of Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza. At least 66,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza during this time – 30 out of every 1,000 people.
7 October 2025 will mark the second anniversary of Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza. The World Health Organisation’s data page
on Palestinian casualties, regularly updated using figures from the
Palestinian Health Ministry and UN agencies, shows that around 66,000
Palestinians have been killed in Gaza over the last two years – 30 out
of every 1,000 people who were living in Gaza (these numbers, however
may be too low, as the ministry has often admitted that it has no
capacity to keep up with the flow of death and does not know how many
people are buried beneath the tonnes of rubble).
The UN children’s agency, UNICEF, calculates
that 50,000 Palestinian children have been killed or injured. As
Edouard Beigbeder, UNICEF’s regional director for the Middle East and
North Africa and a twenty-year veteran at UNICEF, stated:
These children – lives that should never be reduced to
numbers – are now part of a long, harrowing list of unimaginable
horrors: the grave violations against children, the blockade of aid, the
starvation, the constant forced displacement, and the destruction of
hospitals, water systems, schools, and homes. In essence, the
destruction of life itself in the Gaza Strip.
Beigbeder’s statement was based on an assessment of the facts over
the last two years. Indeed, the year before, Commissioner General of the
UN’s Palestine agency (UNRWA) Philippe Lazzarini said
that every day, ten children lost one or both legs due to Israel’s
bombardment. A few months later, Lisa Doughten of the UN’s Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs told
the UN Security Council that ‘Gaza is home to the largest cohort of
child amputees in modern history’. These stories received little to no
attention in mainstream media outlets.
Trump’s Gaza proposal enlists Pakistani forces for a US-led plan to pacify Palestinian resistance and reshape the region’s balance.
Washington is looking to draft Pakistan into a sweeping plan to reshape Gaza under the guise of a 20-point
“peace” initiative led by US President Donald Trump. At the heart of
the proposal is an International Stabilization Force (ISF) tasked with
enforcing “internal stability” in the devastated Palestinian enclave – a
euphemism for dismantling resistance and tightening Israeli control.
Trump,
standing alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a
September press conference, laid out a scheme to forcibly relocate
Palestinians and reconstruct Gaza as a neoliberal outpost he previously
branded “the Riviera of the Middle East.”
Pakistan’s public backlash builds
Details
of the initiative have raised alarm in Pakistan, where any military
collaboration with Israel is a red line for the establishment and the
population, given that Islamabad does not recognize the state.
Public backlash has intensified since revelations surfaced of
Pakistan’s potential participation in the ISF, alongside forces from
Egypt and Jordan.
The people of Pakistan would not accept
Washington’s plan to deploy joint military forces from “like-minded
Islamic countries” to eliminate resistance forces in Gaza. The
opinion-makers, intellectuals, and political circles have already
questioned the authority of the rulers to enter into a process that is
aimed at transforming Palestine into a part of a “Greater Israel.”
Facing mounting domestic scrutiny, Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar revealed in a 30 September press conference
that the 20-point plan diverged sharply from what was initially agreed
in Washington. His statement came amid growing demands for transparency
from political leaders and civil society, many of whom accuse Islamabad
of capitulating to Washington’s demands without a national consensus.
Pakistan’s refusal
to join the Saudi and UAE-led coalition against the Ansarallah-aligned
forces in Yemen still looms large in public memory. In 2015, Islamabad’s
parliament voted unanimously
to remain neutral, citing the dangers of waging war on a Muslim country
and the risks of further sectarian entanglement. That restraint is now
being contrasted with the military’s apparent willingness to deploy
forces into a conflict zone tightly controlled by Israel.
It is equally important to note that, despite Tel Aviv’s lack of trust in Pakistan’s military establishment and the latter’s threats to target its nuclear assets in solidarity with Iran,
it still chose to assign Pakistani forces a leading role in the
proposed ISF. This suggests that Pakistan’s military leadership has
offered significant, and so far undisclosed, concessions to Washington.
Nobel Prize for imperialist war and regime change goes to Washington’s Venezuelan puppet María Corina Machado
by ANDREA LOBO
María Corina Machado and George W. Bush at the White House in 2005 IMAGE/White House/Eric Draper
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has awarded its 2025 Peace Prize to
the leader of Venezuela’s far-right opposition, Maria Corina Machado, an
event that is as significant as it is sinister.
The award was
announced on October 10 in Oslo, Norway, a country whose wealth,
strategic role in NATO, and large military investments position it as a
bulwark for imperialist interests in Europe and beyond.
The award
provides a glaring demonstration of the hypocrisy of capitalist public
opinion as it is marshaled behind another catastrophic imperialist
intervention in Latin America.
There is nothing unprecedented
about bestowing the peace prize upon far-right or blood-drenched
figures. If “political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize,” as American songwriter, satirist and
mathematician Tom Lehrer quipped in 1973, the award to Machado hammers
another nail into its coffin.
In the years in between, the prize
went to mass murderers and war criminals such as Israeli Prime Minister
Menachem Begin, the former Irgun terrorist responsible for the Sabra and
Shatila massacres in Lebanon, and Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government
was responsible for genocidal violence against Myanmar’s Rohingya
minority. Barack Obama received the award in 2009, on the eve of
launching a major military surge in Afghanistan and as his government
was unleashing a wave of drone assassinations. Then as now, the prize
served not as a reward to peacemakers, but as a tool for anointing those
favored by imperialism and to legitimize war.
The fascist minions
of Donald Trump reacted with petty anger over the Norwegian committee’s
passing over the US president. The White House issued an initial
statement charging that the committee “proved they place politics over
peace” in passing over Trump, whom they credited with “the heart of a
humanitarian.”
With his record of arming, financing and
politically supporting the Gaza genocide and bombing Iranian nuclear
facilities, not to mention his murder of unarmed civilians on small
boats in the southern Caribbean, Trump was a bit much for even the Nobel
committee to swallow. But if they couldn’t give the award to the US
organ grinder, they did choose one of his able monkeys in the person of
Machado.
When Maria Corina Machado wins the Nobel Peace Prize, “Peace” has lost its meaning.
by MICHELLE ELLNER
IMAGE/Carlos Díaz, Creative Commons 2.0
When I saw the headline Maria Corina Machado wins the Peace Prize, I
almost laughed at the absurdity. But I didn’t, because there’s nothing
funny about rewarding someone whose politics have brought so much
suffering. Anyone who knows what she stands for knows there’s nothing
remotely peaceful about her politics.
If this is what counts as “peace” in 2025, then the prize itself has
lost every ounce of credibility. I’m Venezuelan-American, and I know
exactly what Machado represents. She’s the smiling face of Washington’s
regime-change machine, the polished spokesperson for sanctions,
privatization, and foreign intervention dressed up as democracy.
Machado’s politics are steeped in violence. She has called for
foreign intervention, even appealing directly to Benjamin Netanyahu, the
architect of Gaza’s annihilation, to help “liberate” Venezuela with
bombs under the banner of “freedom,” She has demanded sanctions, that
silent form of warfare whose effects – as studies in The Lancet and
other journals have shown – have killed more people than war, cutting
off medicine, food, and energy to entire populations.
Machado has spent her entire political life promoting division,
eroding Venezuela’s sovereignty, and denying its people the right to
live with dignity.
This is who Maria Corina Machado really is:
She helped lead the 2002 coup that briefly overthrew a
democratically elected president, and signed the Carmona Decree that
erased the Constitution and dissolved every public institution
overnight.
She worked hand in hand with Washington to justify regime change,
using her platform to demand foreign military intervention to “liberate”
Venezuela through force.
She cheered on Donald Trump’s threats of invasion and his naval
deployments in the Caribbean, a show of force that risks igniting
regional war under the pretext of “combating narcotrafficking.” While
Trump sent warships and froze assets, Machado stood ready to serve as
his local proxy, promising to deliver Venezuela’s sovereignty on a
silver platter.
She pushed for the U.S. sanctions that strangled the economy,
knowing exactly who would pay the price: the poor, the sick, the working
class.
She helped construct the so-called “interim government,” a
Washington-backed puppet show run by a self-appointed “president” who
looted Venezuela’s resources abroad while children at home went hungry.
She vows to reopen Venezuela’s embassy in Jerusalem, aligning
herself openly with the same apartheid state that bombs hospitals and
calls it self-defense.
Now she wants to hand over the country’s oil, water, and
infrastructure to private corporations. This is the same recipe that
made Latin America the laboratory of neoliberal misery in the 1990s.
Machado was also one of the political architects of La Salida, the
2014 opposition campaign that called for escalated protests, including
guarimba tactics. Those weren’t “peaceful protests” as the foreign press
claimed; they were organized barricades meant to paralyze the country
and force the government’s fall. Streets were blocked with burning trash
and barbed wire, buses carrying workers were torched, and people
suspected of being Chavista were beaten or killed. Even ambulances and
doctors were attacked. Some Cuban medical brigades were nearly burned
alive. Public buildings, food trucks, and schools were destroyed. Entire
neighborhoods were held hostage by fear while opposition leaders like
Machado cheered from the sidelines and called it “resistance.”
She praises Trump’s “decisive action” against what she calls a
“criminal enterprise,” aligning herself with the same man who cages
migrant children and tears families apart under ICE’s watch, while
Venezuelan mothers search for their children disappeared by U.S.
migration policies.
Heard of
Dinkan? No, he’s not another bumbling American diplomat. He’s a mouse.
And a god. If you are from God’s Own Country, Dinkan needs no
introduction. If you are not from Kerala, meet this super-powerful,
super-cute, super-helpful rodent who, in a delicious twist of cosmic
irony, ascended from comic strip to deity status faster than you could
say “cheese”.
Dinkan springs, cheekily, from the pages of Balamangalam,
a beloved comic periodical published by the Kottayam-based Mangalam
Publications until 2012. The character was created by the story-writer
N. Somasekharan and the artist Baby in 1983. Even after the
publication’s closure, fans created quotable wisdom—sharp, satirical
responses to social absurdities—and formed motley groups around Dinkan’s
“teachings”. Soon, a curious phenomenon emerged: Dinkoism, which many
called Kerala’s most honest religion, started in 2008 by a group of
rationalists.
The premise was devastatingly simple. Why should
anything not become divine? As Voltaire reportedly observed, “Those who
can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities.”
Dinkan’s disciples inverted this warning, wielding absurdity itself as a
vaccination against dangerous certainties. Devotion, they demonstrated,
requires merely followers, texts, and testimonials of miraculous
intervention. Within this framework, Mickey Mouse or Thor could command
equal reverence—if the worship fostered peace and compassion.
A few years ago, in 2018, I profiled this anthropomorphic superhero
mouse. This was when Dinkoism was trending. Like many, I had recognised
its surgical precision as cultural critique. Dinkoism functioned as a
clever deployment of divinity to dissect organised religion’s
contradictions. Followers understood their assignment perfectly,
organising gatherings—digital and physical—that exposed religious
orthodoxy’s cracks with the enthusiasm of archaeologists discovering
forbidden artefacts. They reminded people about faith’s absurdities, how
brainwashing operates, and why rationality matters when confronting
religion, spirituality, culture, and tradition’s sensitive territories.
Dinkan
was a sensation for a few years. Hundreds attended Kerala’s conclave of
the mock religion in Kozhikode in 2016. But over the years, Dinkoism
lost momentum. Yet, I still encounter Dinkan’s suktas—the mouse’s
sacred sayings—whenever organised religion’s vagaries surface online or
in conversations with friends frustrated by religion’s dysfunction, its
alarming divisions, and hatred-triggering mechanisms.
There’s an
interesting facet about Dinkoism worth highlighting—most Dinkan devotees
were, predictably, atheists, rationalists, and agnostics who recognised
opportunity in their cartoon deity. They found a chance to construct
counter-movements against organised religion’s hegemony. Dinkan held a
mirror to society, demonstrating that anything can achieve godhood.
The tragedy of Karachi Zoo is not just caged animals dying a slow death in the name of “education” but the haunting reflection of our own moral decay.
I had never set foot in a zoo before; I now wish I hadn’t.
As a mom of two feline monarchs who rule my home and a self-appointed
custodian of strays that stumble into my orbit, my lessons in love have
come padded in fur and whiskers. Cats, after all, love without
surrendering their sovereignty. They teach you that affection can be
fierce yet uncompromising of selfhood. That dignity breathes in freedom.
And if dignity breathes in freedom, naturally, captivity is its slow
suffocation. Few places advertise that suffocation as boldly as cages
built in the name of leisure and ‘education’.
So when my editor assigned me a story on the Karachi Zoo, I knew it
wouldn’t be one of those breezy reporting days, neatly filed away before
lunch. This one would sit heavy.
But journalism, inconveniently faithful to reality, does not make
exceptions for personal aversions. Zoos exist whether I approve or not,
and my job was to bear witness. So, I went (a naïve corner of my heart
clung to the hope of encountering some grace).
I didn’t.
Don’t get me wrong, the zoo surprisingly brimmed with life, just not
the kind its caged inhabitants could claim. It was a life monopolised by
the visitors. There were no roars, screeches, growls, or chirps — the
very sounds I had imagined would dominate a place primarily built for
animals. There was only the droning hum of speakers pumping out
Bollywood classics from the 90s that I could have happily grooved to
anywhere else. Children shrieked with delight as they bounced on
trampolines and kicked footballs; families engrossed in mere mirth and
laughter as they spread chadors across the sun-kissed grass for their little picnic.
Azmi’s birth name was Sayyid Akhtar Hussein Rizvi but he is better known by his pen-name-Kaifi Azmi (1919 -2002). He was one of the finest and most prominent poets of India. He was a die-hard communist, not just in name, but his lifestyle, principles, and actions aligned with this philosophy.
It is strange, but true, that Azmi was sent by his Shia Muslim family to a religious seminary or madrassa Sultan-ul-Madaaris to become a maulvi, a religious scholar). “The would-be maulvi became a card-holding party member and a Marxist poet.” He joined the CPI (Communist Party of India) and carried the CPI card on him till his death.
Azmi was also influenced by reading the book Angaaray <1> or “Burning Coals,” a collection of nine short stories written by Sajjad Zaheer, Ahmed Ali, Rashid Jahan, and Mahmood-uz-Zafar.
Once Kaifi Azmi said:
“I was born in a slave India, grew up in an independent India and would like to die in a socialist India.”
Today, most people in India feel like they are slaves of the capitalist class who controls the economy and the government — run by the openly Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi who never misses a chance to denigrate Muslims as he continues to accumulate as much power as he can to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra (nation) with him as its fascist leader.
In the mid 1940s, during one of his mushairas, (a gathering of poetry reading by poets in front of an audience), Azmi read his epic poem Aurat or Woman.
“Arise, my love, for now you must march with me Flames of war are ablaze in our world today Time and fate have the same aspirations today Our tears will flow like hot lava today Beauty and love have one life and one soul today You must burn in the fire of freedom with me Arise, my love, for now you must march with me”
Before the poem ended, Shaukat had decided to end her engagement to another man. She married Azmi in 1947. Their marriage resulted in two children, Shabana Azmi, and Baba Azmi. Economic pressures compelled Azmi to concentrate on writing songs for movies. His daughter, Shabana Azmi became a very good actress and Baba became a cinematographer.
Shaukat joined the theater and later films, as an actress. Azmi wrote dialogues in verse form, for the 1970 film Heer Raanjha. For another film Garam Hava (Scorching Winds) based on Ismat Chughtai‘s short story, he joined Shama Zaidi to write the story and its screenplay. Azmi wrote the dialogues for that film. Garam Hava depicted realistically the dilemma of a Muslim family on whether to move to Pakistan or to stay in India. It was an exceptionally good film.
In 1973, Azmi suffered brain hemorrhage which disabled his left hand and leg. He left Bombay for Mijwan, where he was born, a tiny village in Azamgarh Eastern Uttar Pradesh. Mijwan, an unknown town, later became globally known due to Azmi’s efforts as he founded Mijwan Welfare Society for the empowerment of women with a focus on the girlchild.
Azmi saw the emergence of bloody Hindutava atrocities first hand, when BJP-led goons demolished the Babri Masjid. Azmi wrote The Second Exile. One of the couplet taunts Hindutva goons who talk about sanctity of life by forcing people not to eat animals, on the one hand, and carry out devastation and death of human lives, on the other.
Azmi has written many heart wrenching film lyrics and the following one is also very emotional. This song was written for the movie Shola aur Shabnam (Flame and Dew). The song is picturized on Tarla Mehta and Dharmendra. It was sung by Mohammed Rafi and became one of Rafi’s greatest hits. The music director for the song is Khayyam whose minimalist music rendered extra poignancy to the lyrics. This is one of my most favorite song ever.
Original lyrics:
jAne kyA DhoonDhti rehti hai ye ANkheN
jAne kyA DhoonDhti rehti hai ye ANkheN mujh meiN rAkh ke Dhair meiN sholA hai na chiNgAri hai
ab na vo pyAr na us pyAr ki yAdeiN bAki Ag yuN dil meiN lagi kuchh na rahA kuchh na bachA jiski tasveer nigAhoN meiN liye baiThi ho meiN vo dildAr nahiN uski huN khAmosh chitA jAne kyA DhoonDhti rehti hai ye ANkheN mujh meiN rAkh ke Dhair meiN sholA hai na chiNgAri hai
zindagi haNs ke guzarti to bahut achchhAa thA khair haNs ke na sahi ro ke guzar jAyegi rAkh barbAd muhabbat ki bachA rakhi hai bAr-bAr isko jo chheDA to bikhar jAyegi jAne kyA DhoonDhti rehti hai ye ANkheN mujh meiN rAkh ke Dhair meiN sholA hai na chiNgAri hai
Arzu jurm vafA jurm tamannA hai gunAh ye wo duniyA hai jahAN pyAr nahiN ho saktA kaise bAzAr kA dastoor tumheiN samjhAuN bik gayA jo vo khareedAr nahiN ho saktA jAne kyA DhoonDhti rehti hai ye ANkheN mujh meiN rAkh ke Dhair meiN sholA hai na chiNgAri hai
Translation:
I don’t know what those eyes keep searching in me
I don’t know what those eyes keep searching in me in this heap of ash, neither the flame nor the spark remains
neither that love, nor the memories remain the fire of separation engulfed the heart — and nothing is left the picture you carry in your vision I’m not that lover, just his silent corpse I don’t know what those eyes keep searching in me in this heap of ash, neither the flame nor the spark remains
it would’ve been nice if life had passed cheerfully anyway, it will pass mournfully too my ruined love’s ashes, I’ve saved if disturbed frequently, it will get scattered I don’t know what those eyes keep searching in me in this heap of ash, neither the flame nor the spark remains
longing is a crime, loyalty is a crime, and desire a sin in our world, its not possible to fall in love how do I explain the rules of the market to you the one who got sold can never be a buyer I don’t know what those eyes keep searching in me in this heap of ash, neither the flame nor the spark remains
Note:
<1> The book Angaarey questioned Muslim practices, the prevailing condition of Muslim women, inequality, and criticized British imperial rule in India. Many Muslims burned the book, and the British government banned it.
Sajjad Zaheer, Ahmed Ali, Rashid Jahan, and Mahmood-uz-Zafar refused to apologize for their book Angaarey. Mahmood-uz-Zafar defended it in an article titled: “In Defence of Angarey:”
“The authors of this book do not wish to make any apology for it. They leave it to float or sink of itself. They are not afraid of the consequences of having launched it. They only wish to defend ‘the right of launching it and all other vessels like it’ … they stand for the right of free criticism and free expression in all matters of the highest importance to the human race in general and the Indian people in particular… Whatever happen to the book or to the authors, we hope that others will not be discouraged. Our practical proposal is the formation immediately of a League of Progressive Authors, which should bring forth similar collections from time to time both in English and the various vernaculars of our country. We appeal to all those who are interested in this idea to get in touch with us.”
B. R. Gowani can be reached at brgowani@hotmail.com
