Category: Uncategorized

by B. R. GOWANI

Ramdev followers helped Narendra Modi’s rise to premiership in 2014

the rule in politics, business, religion, news media, and celebrity world:

you help me and I help you and vice versa

Baba Ramdev helped Modi and Ramdev’s business flourished

the business, like other corporations, uses fraudulent means

one of them was a drug named Coronil for COVID-19 treatment

it was a false claim and was banned by Maharashtra state

Ramdev also invoked the word “swadeshi” <1>, i.e., from one’s own country

Ramdev’s goal was to sell the merchandise his company made in India

he runs a huge business empire — his net worth is more than $120 million

his initial fame came through his Youtube videos on yoga

later, he went into business producing things with false claims

one of them was Putrajeevak Beej or “the seed that gives life to a son”

like many parts of the world, many South Asians wish a male child

beside business, Ramdev, like Modi, is a Hindu zealot

Modi has succeeded in making secularism disappear to a great extent

Hindutva forces are gaining more and more power all over India

Ramdev wants to see India as a “Hindu Rashtra”, that is, a Hindu Nation

Nishchalananda Saraswati is the 145th Jagadguru Shankaracharya

in 2026, on Nishchalananda Saraswati’s birth anniversary, Ramdev said:

“There is a Deoband [an Islamic seminary] near Haridwar. I was invited there in 2009, and I told them, ‘Our religions [Hinduism, Christianity, Islam, and other] may differ, but our ancestors are the same. There is no need for anyone to fear the concept of a “Hindu Rashtra”. The ancestors of us all were Sanatani Hindu Arya-Vedics.'”

“Some people ask, if a Hindu Rashtra is established, where will Muslims go? Simply embrace the [Hindu] traditions of your ancestors. You may keep a beard or shave it off; wear any attire you choose, but maintain a character like that of your ancestors. There is no danger in Hindustan for Muslims or Christians.”

In the speech, he also says our “DNA” is the same

Congress Party leader Salman Khurshid, a Muslim, countered:

“There is no need to panic, but ask those who talk about a Hindu Rashtra. Ask them, ask Baba Ramdev. He has made this statement, hasn’t he? How can I tell what is in their minds or in what context they are saying this? If everyone is Sanatani, then why are attempts being made to create so many divisions here? Accept everyone as Sanatani, why are attempts being made to create divisions?”

Waris Pathan, national spokesperson of All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) asked:

“First of all this country runs on the Constitution and will continue to do so; who told you it has become a ‘Hindu Rashtra’? I would like to ask the PM, has our country been declared a Hindu nation? A Muslim does not fear anyone. We abide by the law and express our views within the framework of the Constitution… Do you even realise what you are saying? Respect the Constitution. Speak within the confines of the Constitution. Stop spreading hatred like this.”

let’s now come back to Ramdev’s nonsense of “Hindu Rashtra”

he makes every Indian a part of the Hindu Nation

how come?

Ramdev’s logic is that ancestors were Hindu, thus every Indian is Hindu

has there ever been a time when all Indians were Hindu?

No — India has never ever been 100% Hindu

one should also remember that the term “Hindu” is just 1500 year old

before Hinduism, there was another religion called Vedism

Vedism was introduced by Indo-European speaking people

they had come from the region what is today known as Iran

before that there was the famous Indus Valley Civilization (IVC)

IVC appeared 5300 years ago and lasted for 2000 years

Indus Valley Civilization covered a vast area:

most of Pakistan, northwestern India, and northeast Afghanistan

IVC is the biggest in area vis a vis Mesopotamia, and also ancient Egypt

the Indus Valley Civilization language has not yet been deciphered

not much is known about religion of the IVC people

some even speculate that religion may have have been a private affair

if you go further back, then there are the tribal people of South Asia

they can can say too that Indians should follow there ancestors’ religion

it’s an unending rubbish cycle that makes no sense

Ramdev should come out of the delusional “Hindu Rashtra” thing

he should instead declare India as a “Manav Rashtra” or Human Nation

Note

<1> The people in the Indian subcontinent (Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan) were frustrated and unsatisfied with the British colonial rule. The British, to avoid any kind of revolt, announced in December 1903, the partition of Bengal and carried it out in August 1905.

The same year, the Indian National Congress announced the Swadeshi Movement whereby direction Indians to boycott foreign goods and instead buy the locally made products.

Later on, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi led the Swadeshi Movement though not all were on board.

Filmmaker Satyajit Ray has brilliantly explored this subject in his movie Ghare Baire or The Home and the World. (You can watch it here — in Bengali with English subtitles.)

The mostly Muslim populated eastern areas were separated from the largely Hindu inhabited western areas. Due to heavy opposition, the Bengal was reunited in 1911.

B. R. Gowani can be reached at brgowani@hotmail.com

by ELIS GJEVORI & MARWA KOCAK

The Quran recitations at Ali Khamenei’s funeral revealed Tehran speaking as a victor, not a mourner

When the Saudi delegation stepped forward to pay respects at the coffin of the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in Tehran’s Grand Mosalla, the Quran recitation that followed did not go unnoticed.

The verse was Al Imran 3:13, the passage describing the Battle of Badr, where a vastly outnumbered and poorly equipped Muslim force routed a much larger army “by the will of God”. It was a clear reference to what many are increasingly calling Iran’s victory over the US and Israel in their war on the country.

Badr was fought in what is today Saudi Arabia in 624 CE. The question is whether the recitation was a compliment, a taunt, or both – but it was unlikely to have been random.

Read generously, the verse gestures at one of Islam’s first victories and a shared civilisational memory between Tehran and Riyadh.

But Iran has not only survived the war but arguably, it may have emerged from it stronger, with control of the Strait of Hormuz now tantalisingly close to becoming a fait accompli.

Saudi Arabia, however, remained quietly aligned with the US during the war and, according to some reports, even covertly attacked Iran.

Read against that context, the verse takes on a sharper tone. Riyadh stayed on the sidelines or, according to those reports, acted against Iran, while Israel sought to “plunge the region into ruin”.

Iran, meanwhile, fought and held firm against Tehran’s enemies and, by extension, anyone standing too close to them.

Saudi Arabia was not the only country in attendance, but one of more than 30 delegations that came to pay respects to the country’s late leader.

The list of dignitaries offered Iran its own show of strength, signalling that the country remains far from as isolated as the US or Israel would like it to be.

Khamenei, 86, was assassinated on 28 February in Israeli-US strikes on his residence in central Tehran. The attack also killed his 14-month-old granddaughter, son-in-law and daughter-in-law.

His body lay in state for three days at Tehran’s Grand Mosalla, the country’s largest prayer complex and the venue for major state occasions.

MEE for more

AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (AFP)

Fotohane, meaning ‘house of photography’, was launched in Mardin in 2024 by Amar Kilic and Serbest Salih

Under the red lamp of the darkroom, eight-year-old Zeynep waits to discover her images that are just emerging, shadows and silhouettes captured on film. “How far does your curiosity go?” asks photographer Amar Kiliç, shaking the negatives underwater. “To the ends of the earth,” replies the child.

Originally from Mardin, in southeastern Turkey, Zeynep is one of eight students in this analog photography workshop reserved for Turkish and refugee children from the province, on the borders of Iraq and Syria.

The “Fotohane Darkroom” project was created by Amar Kilic, 40, and Syrian photographer and educator Serbest Salih in 2024 in Mardin. The name, Fotohane, chosen by the children, means “house of photography” in Turkish, Arabic, Kurdish, and Persian.

Kilic insists that the children are at the forefront of the process: “They load the film, develop it and print their photos. They go out into the field and define their own rules.”

Fleeing ISIS

Overlooking the great Mesopotamian plain, the golden walls of the old city of Mardin, crisscrossed by narrow streets and witnesses to millennia of history, attract tourists from all over the world.

But far from the souvenir shops and cafes of the centre, the city is home to disadvantaged or refugee families.

Among the latter, those of Yahya, Sam, Yusuf and Nihal, aged 11 to 13, fled Damascus during the war in Syria in 2014 and 2015, and the advance of the jihadists of the Islamic State (IS) group.

“I am very happy when I take photos,” smiles Nihal, swinging her black camera attached to her wrist, looking for a scene to capture.

Serbest Salih, 32 years old and with a sharp, curious gaze, fled the Kurdish city of Kobani in northern Syria when ISIS took control of it in 2014.

Thousands of Syrian refugees then crossed the Turkish border to settle in nearby Turkish cities like Mardin, not necessarily returning after the fall of former president Bashar al-Assad.

Salih avoids dwelling on his own difficulties. All attention, according to him, should be focused on the children he patiently educates, seamlessly switching from Turkish to Kurdish or Arabic and English.

Since arriving in Türkiye, he has been trying to build bridges between communities and promote tolerance and integration.

Express Tribune for more

Geneva, 15 September 2025. Press Briefing by Francesca Albanese, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967

Transcript:

It’s a painful honor to be here at such a critical moment for Gaza and for the Palestinians as a whole. Seven hundred ten. This is the number of days of absolute horror that the people in Gaza have endured.

65,000 is the number of Palestinians are certain killed, including over, of which 75% are women and children.

In fact, we shall start the thinking of 680,000, because this is the number that some scholars and scientists claim being the real death toll in Gaza.

And it would be hard to be able to prove or disprove this number, especially if investigators and others remained banned from entering the occupied Palestinian territory, and particularly the Gaza Strip.

But if this number is confirmed, 380,000 of these are infants under five.

1,581, this is the number of health workers killed in Gaza. 252 is the number of the journalists, your colleagues, killed in Gaza.

And 346 is the number of UN staff killed in Gaza.

10,000 Palestinians have been detained, mostly arbitrarily, by an unlawful occupation, which has been starving, torturing, and even raping inmates, including doctors and patients.

Seventy-five is the numbers of detainees who have been reported killed in Israeli custody just in the last 710 days.

Images of scores of Palestinians taken from their homes, shackled and blindfolded in the middle of the night, continues to reach us from the occupied Palestinian territory.

Homes, shelters, hospitals, schools, mosques continue to be destroyed.

over 85 percent of Gaza lies in ruin.

The ongoing assault to take the last remnant of Gaza, meaning Gaza City, will not only devastate the Palestinians, but endangers also the remaining Israeli hostages, putting their life in great danger.

Meanwhile, the West Bank is now having much better, a much better present.

The situation is unraveling under intensified pressure.

Over 1,000 Palestinians, including 212 children, have been killed in the last 710 days.

1,600 is the number of the raids, with a 22 percent increase compared to the previous years over Palestinian-inhabited areas.

And so the numbers of targeted killing is also going up, which is the most severe since the Second Intifada, with the full destruction of refugee camps, and 40,000 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced.

In all these, our annexation continues unabated, with families entering multiple times of cycles of displacement, facing the expansion of settlements and outposts.

No space is safe for Palestinians, but no space is safe for international law under this brutal occupation.

And behind every statistic is a human life, a story cut short, a family broken.

The trauma and grief will last generations.

Meanwhile, far too many states continue to look away, normalize the suffering, and they even profit from it.

Arms, trade, and diplomatic engagement with Israel continue unabated.

And this is not just morally wrong.

This is unlawful.

As I argued in my last report to the Human Rights Council, this genocide has become profitable, unfortunately, not just for some corrupt private entities.

And this is not only Israel’s crimes.

This is the world’s crime sustained by silence, complicity, and the supply of funds, weapons, and political cover.

History, we’ll remember, because it’s not that this is the first genocide that is been known.

No, the Holocaust, the genocide in Bosnia, the genocide in Rwanda were also known to the people of the time.

But this genocide happened because the world didn’t care enough to stop them, like today, or not.

But today’s genocide is something different.

It’s openly incited, cynically denied, and relentlessly supported, armed, and weaponized, while those who oppose it are silenced, beaten, criminalized, and smeared.

This is why I say this is the shame of our time and the collapse of the international legal order in this moment, not only for the Palestinians, but for all of us.

So I asked, prime ministers, presidents, foreign ministers, so-called world leaders.

How do you sleep?

When will you act, truly act beyond the words?

But I also see courage.

Dockworkers, trade unions, students, mothers and fathers, ordinary people everywhere are refusing this complicity.

And their message is clear.

No more genocide.

No more apartheid.

starting in Palestine.

The future of millions demand is one of justice, equality, and freedom, and is still within reach if we act now.

Thank you.

UN for more

by ANTONIO DE LOERA-BRUST

After members of the Iranian national soccer team were denied visas by the Trump administration, Mexico stepped in to help—a decision rooted in shared histories.

The Mexican city of Tijuana, right across the border from California, had three teams this World Cup. First, and most obvious, is Mexico. Then there was Haiti, on account of the large Haitian migrant population that has put down roots in the city after being denied entry to the United States. And—last but not least—was the national team of Iran, which made its base camp in Tijuana after being denied entry to the United States other than for the actual games.

Earlier this year, Iran’s participation in the 2026 World Cup seemed in doubt. With FIFA unwilling to move Iran’s games out of the United States and the Trump administration unwilling to let the team into the country for an extended stay, it seemed unlikely Iran would play its group stage games in Los Angeles and Seattle.  

Mexico offered the solution. The progressive government of President Claudia Sheinbaum offered to host the Iranian team in Tijuana, which would then travel to its games in the United States just for the day. Scenes of Mexican affinity for Iran followed. Mexicans turned out in large numbers to cheer the Iranian team in Tijuana and locals hosted watch parties for Iran’s games. Mexico’s enthusiasm for the Iranian team did not go unnoticed. Following Iran’s elimination from the tournament, the result of a controversial off-side call disallowing a last minute victory against Egypt, the Iranian team itself acknowledged the extraordinary support it received from the Mexican public, writing “your act will stay in our hearts.”

Mexico’s decision to host the Iranian team in Tijuana is just the latest reflection of a decades-long affinity between Iran and Mexico, rooted in their mutual struggles for sovereignty in the face of U.S. power.

A Tale Of Two Gulfs 

Even before the announcement of the Iranian team’s stay in Tijuana, popular sentiment in Mexico has been largely sympathetic to Iran in the war with the United States and Israel. After the illegal surprise attacks on Iran in late February, crowds gathered outside the Iranian embassy in Mexico City in solidarity; the U.S. and Israeli embassies received only protests. President Sheinbaum no doubt spoke for most Mexicans when she criticized the U.S. and Israeli attack on Iran, specifically citing the U.S. bombing of a school that left 168 Iranian children dead, a massacre which the Iranian national team has also immortalized in the form of pins.

NACLA for more

by JINOY JOSE P.

Dear reader,

This morning, in America’s Kansas City, the 38-year-old Lionel Messi, who has spent two decades collecting all the game’s honours, finally claimed the one that had eluded him. He struck three times against Algeria, the first hat-trick of his six World Cups, and drew level with Miroslav Klose on 16 goals, the most anyone has scored at the World Cup.

Watching it, a question came to mind that any fan would call heresy. Pelé is credited with calling this the beautiful game, but is it also a complete game? And if it is, is it complete because it works, or because it never quite does?

Let’s start with the physicality of football. It is easily one of the most physical of the major team sports, certainly the most psychological, and possibly also the most political. It has, in fact, even started a war. In June 1969, Honduras and El Salvador met across three qualifying matches for the 1970 World Cup, and within weeks their armies were fighting along the border. Ryszard Kapu?ci?ski, the Polish reporter who happened to be in the region, wrote about it in The Soccer War, about what the game can set loose.

He knew that the football had started nothing. The war grew out of land: Salvadoran peasants pushed off Honduran soil by land reforms, and around 1,00,000 of them sent to a country with no room for them. The matches only gave the rage a place to gather. An 18-year-old in San Salvador, Amelia Bolaños, shot herself when Honduras scored in the dying minute of the first half. Her funeral was televised, with the President and the national team walking behind the coffin. Several thousand people died in the hours that followed.

This is the first thing to understand about football’s completeness. It is complete because it is porous. It lets the world in. The land hunger of Central America, the rivalries of the Balkans, the long humiliation of the colonised, the swagger of the rich, all of it leaks onto the pitch, because the pitch is one of the few places where a poor nation can stand level with a wealthy one for 90 minutes and occasionally win. That is why dictators crave it and why the dispossessed guard it. The journalist John Pilger argued that in football, as in much else, Western power disguises its interests in the language of freedom, and the modern World Cup gives a textbook case.

Frontline for more

by SEBASTIAN SHEHADI

Munich-based Allianz and California subsidiary have amassed at least $2.67bn in Israeli government bonds since 2024

At the height of Israel‘s military campaign in Gaza, one company became the single largest foreign financier of the Israeli state – holding more in Israeli government bonds than the US, the UK, France and every other country put together.

That company is Allianz, the German insurance and financial services giant, alongside its California-based bond management subsidiary PIMCO, the world’s largest active bond manager.

Data shared with Middle East Eye by Profundo, an Amsterdam-based sustainability research firm, shows that by September 2025 the Allianz group had amassed approximately $2.67bn in Israeli government bonds across its various fund subsidiaries.

This represented 51.8 percent of all non-Israeli holdings captured in the dataset at that moment. Put simply: at its peak, Allianz-PIMCO held more Israeli war bonds than the rest of the world combined.

Governments issue bonds to raise money for public spending or to repay debts.

For Israel, those sales have beencrucial to financing its wars in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran, with bond issuance hitting historic highs in both 2024 and 2025.

Buying the bonds of a government under active genocide investigation carries legal and reputational risks that go well beyond ordinary sovereign debt investment, but investors have been well compensated for taking that risk.

‘PIMCO’s continued investments in Israeli sovereign debt demonstrate a clear disregard for human rights responsibilities’

– Max Hammer, BankTrack

Israeli government bonds issued during the war have carried an average interest rate of approximately 5.56 percent, compared with 1.4 percent for pre-war issuances.

That “war premium” has made Israeli bonds an attractive trade for yield-hungry institutional investors, even as the country’s credit rating was downgraded by all three major agencies.

MEE for more

by TARIQ ALI

Given a chance, the electors of Makerfield did not hesitate. They voted to get rid of Keir Starmer and gave Nigel Farage a kick on the posterior in the process. On a turnout just shy of 59 per cent, high for an English by-election, the Labour candidate Andy Burnham won 55 per cent (nearly 25,000 votes), compared to 35 per cent for Reform (15,696 votes) and 7 per cent (3,111 votes) for Restore, the Tory-backed Reform-spoiler party. Burnham, a former Blairite MP, Iraq warmonger and Brownite Health Secretary, who quit Corbyn’s shadow cabinet to build his personal political base as Mayor of Greater Manchester, was helped into the Makerfield seat by the sitting MP, Josh Simons, himself a creature of the Labour Together caucus that first targeted Corbyn, then promoted Starmer. It seemed – temporarily – to have overreached itself in imposing its éminence grise, Epstein-hugger Peter Mandelson, as Britain’s Ambassador to the Court of Donald Trump. But a grateful Burnham will offer Simons and his friends continued access to Number Ten.

There was nothing to commend Starmer. A political dud, he was put in place following Corbyn’s 2019 defeat after a legal career – in Northern Ireland and at the Crown Prosecution Service – of kowtowing to those in power. The sordid story was told in an effective broadside by Oliver Eagleton in The Starmer Project (2022) and later in forensic detail by Gabriel Pogrund and Patrick Maguire in Get In (2025) and Paul Holden in The Fraud (2025). In the July 2024 election, a divided right – Tories: 24 per cent; Reform: 14 per cent – handed Starmer a majority with 34 per cent. His advisers, led by Mandelson protégé Morgan McSweeney, counselled the new leader to suck up to Farage in public and compete with his policies. This was done via a photo-op in the House of Commons when the Prime Minister walked up to Farage and shook hands with him, thus becoming a stranger to many in his own party.

There followed expulsions of the Labour left, attacks on child benefits and pensioners’ fuel allowance and Farage-style rhetoric about immigrants (‘Island of Strangers’), wrapped up in austerity budgets. In line with the preceding Tory government, a woman of colour, Shabana Mahmood, was appointed Home Secretary to push through deeply reactionary policies on race and civil liberties.

The liberal press, thrilled by the purge of the left, eagerly supported Starmer. And Starmer eagerly supported the Israeli genocide unleashed in Gaza. The Labour Prime Minister gave his backing to Israeli measures like cutting off water, electricity, food and medicines to the Palestinian people. If Starmer opposed the targeting of women and children, he kept it to himself. The state apparatuses and RAF surveillance were employed to actively assist in the genocide. Starmer’s abject servility to the ultra-conservative Board of Jewish Deputies was loyally mimicked by cabinet members Cooper, Lammy, Streeting and the 100-plus Labour MPs imposed on local parties by Mandelson’s gang.

To take the measure of the Mandelson implants: even Labour loyalists Robin Cook and Clare Short resigned from the Blair cabinet when he took the country to war in Iraq against the will of a majority of his citizens, backed by the endless lies of his media manager, Alastair Campbell (and the barking of dogs of war like Burnham). Not a single Labour MP resigned from Starmer’s government on Palestine or the use of US military bases in the UK to attack Iran. On the contrary: the expelled Corbynites – John McDonnell and Co. – disgraced themselves by crawling back into the Parliamentary Labour Party.

Starmer made sure that there was nothing to choose from at any level between the extreme centre parties in parliament – Labour, Tories and Lib Dems. As the British economy stagnated and Labour’s ratings plunged to their current 18 per cent, the Greens took off from July 2025 to reach 16 per cent this spring. Coupled with the short-lived hopes in a new Corbynite vehicle, they revealed a substantial constituency to Labour’s left. After reading the focus-group runes, McSweeney’s men steered Starmer into a series of semi u-turns from the second half of 2025: fuel allowance, child benefits, anti-migrant digital IDs. None of it helped. In combination with his wooden appearance and inability to defend himself in Parliament, his flip-flops only increased the contempt for Starmer in the country at large. He will go. There are rumours that Burnham might offer him a cabinet job. Can I recommend the Ministry of Untruth.

NLR for more

by SARA QUDAH

The CPJ’s public methodology, independent research and commitment to evidence are at the heart of its work, writes MENA Regional Director Sara Qudah.

I had no intention of writing about the organisation I work for. Institutions should be judged by their work, not by opinion pieces written in their defence. But I am writing today because the allegations directed at the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) no longer concern the organisation alone. They call into question the integrity of people I know, misrepresent work I have been part of, and cast doubt on a documentation process to which entire teams have devoted themselves during one of the most complex wars of our time.

This is not a statement on behalf of CPJ. It is my personal testimony.

I joined CPJ in April 2025 as Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa because I believed in its mission long before I worked there. I have often said that working at CPJ was a professional dream of mine. After more than a year inside the organisation, I can say with confidence that what I witnessed did not diminish that belief—it strengthened it.

From the inside, I experienced successive crises, unprecedented pressure, and wars in which every piece of information became the subject of political and media contestation. It is in moments like these—not in times of calm—that an institution’s independence is truly tested.

Throughout this period, not once did anyone attempt to influence my professional judgment or direct my decisions. I was never instructed to alter a conclusion, remove a name, add another, or align research findings with a political position, the wishes of a donor, or the views of the Board of Directors. I was never asked to compromise my principles or the standards by which I work. I was never asked to change my language or soften my words.

Had that happened, I would not have stayed for a single day. This is not an abstract position. It is the reality I live every day.

That is why I feel compelled to respond to allegations that CPJ has changed—or intends to change—its definition of who qualifies as a journalist, or that it has altered its methodology in response to political pressure. I witnessed nothing of the sort, and such claims are entirely inconsistent with the organisation I came to know.

The methodology governing CPJ’s documentation of journalists, both globally and in the Middle East, has not changed. It is publicly available and open for anyone to examine. What occurred recently began as a review of a limited number of cases after new evidence emerged, including statements issued by armed groups identifying some individuals previously documented in CPJ’s database as members of their military wings. Following an independent assessment of that evidence, the records were updated by applying the same methodology that has guided CPJ’s work for years—not by adopting new standards.

After additional information emerged, I requested that management authorise a comprehensive review of the entire database. That request was met with neither objection nor attempts to influence the process.

To be clear, this review—led by a small team within the Middle East and North Africa program—is entirely independent. It began at the start of June and remains ongoing. It was prompted solely by the emergence of new evidence that warranted re-examining parts of the database.

Nor is this the first review CPJ has undertaken, and it is unlikely to be the last. The organisation has long treated its database as a living record, updating it whenever credible new evidence becomes available. The current review focuses on cases documented between 2023 and 2026 involving journalists killed or targeted by the Israeli military in Gaza during the genocide.

That is the essence of responsible documentation: the willingness to revisit the record when new facts emerge.

NA for more