By Shadia B. Drury
Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI have adamantly opposed Turkey’s bid to join the European Union on the grounds that Turkey, a Muslim nation, does not belong in Christian Europe. They worry that the inclusion of Turkey, coupled with Muslim migrations into Europe and the declining European birthrate, will undermine the Christian character of Europe. They believe that Europe is in danger of losing its soul, because “the identity of Europe is incomprehensible without Christianity.”*
What is worse, they believe that Europe has lost its capacity to defend itself against the Muslim menace, because it suffers from a serious case of relativism that has paralyzed Europe and rendered it defenseless. Since relativism teaches that all creeds, values, and civilizations are of equal worth, Europeans are unable to affirm their heritage. They are unwilling to declare the superiority of their own civilization over others. Hobbled by relativism, Europe does not have the courage to declare that its civilization is better than Islamic civilization, that a liberal constitution is better than sharia, or that a sentence by an independent tribunal is better than a fatwa.
Apparently, the disease is so pervasive that it has infected Christian theology. Protestant theologians regard Jesus as one prophet among others and Christianity as a religion equal to other religions. Even Catholics are not immune; though the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) acknowledged that Christ is “the way, the truth, and the life,” it stopped short of saying that he was the only way, and it invoked parallel roads to salvation. For John Paul and Benedict, this is simply “contrary to the Church’s faith.” Moreover, this “widespread indifferentism” is a serious symptom of disease. It explains why Europe failed to acknowledge its Christian roots in the Preamble to the European Constitutional Treaty. In so doing, Europe has committed a “silent apostasy.”
Benedict blames the decadence of Europe on the servility of the Protestant churches, which were willing to accept subordination to the state. He contrasts these servile churches with the free churches of the New World. Like the Catholics, America’s evangelical churches refused to succumb to the pressures of secularism. They transcended all denominational distinctions to create a consensus that amounted to a Christian civil religion in the United Sates. Benedict attributes the “country’s sense of a special religious mission toward the rest of the world” to the freedom and power enjoyed by America’s evangelical Christians. He believes that they are the reason that America, unlike Europe, is willing to fight for its Christian values in the face of the Islamic threat.
Benedict informs us that a war against the West has been declared and calls on Europe to defend itself. He offers the following strategy. He thinks that Europe needs a united front of Christians and secularists to tackle the Islamic menace. Once secularists understand that the identity of Europe they cherish has its roots in Christianity—constitutionalism, rule of law, equality before the law, abolition of slavery, independent judiciary, freedom of religion—they will realize that secularists and Christians are not enemies, that they share a common interest in preserving the heritage of Europe against Islam, and that the only hope of securing Europe against the threat of Islam is to affirm Europe’s Christian heritage.
I would like to make four objections to this papal analysis of the political predicament of the West. First, the assumption that the Christian idea of equality before God is the basis of the secular idea of equality before the law, universal human rights, and the abolition of slavery is logically and historically false. Logically speaking, no supernatural revelation is necessary to realize that equality before the law is a necessary component of natural justice. If two people commit the same crime under similar circumstances—for example, stealing—they should be subject to the same punishment, even if one of them happens to be a “lord.” Historically speaking, the church was an implacable enemy of the rule of law. The Magna Carta, which the English barons forced King John to sign in 1215, making the king subject to certain laws and limitations, was vehemently opposed by Pope Innocent III. He regarded the king as the church’s most powerful instrument and had no intention of limiting that power with anything as inconvenient as the rule of law. So the Catholic Church cannot take any credit for the institutionalization of the rule of law and the limitation of arbitrary power.