Zyuganov and religion: On the current state of the Russian Communist Party

by ROLAND BOER

On 27 October, 2012, Gennady Zyuganov gave a rather important speech.  Presented at the 14th plenum of the central committee, it sought to provide the framework for renewing and improving the theoretical work of the party.  But this is not any party and Zyuganov is not any leader, for the party is the Russian Communist Party and Zyuganov is its first secretary.  The date too was auspicious, for the speech was presented on the day of the Russian Revolution, 95 years on.  The press was out in force and the speech was watched by millions, both live and later on the internet (kprf.ru/party_live/111556.html).  Why?  Contrary to representations outside Russia, the Communist Party is the main opposition to Putin’s various transformations.  Despite many restrictions placed on the party, it regularly polls, along with the other main socialist party, almost 40% in the polls, with some observers pointing out that it would actually be over 50% if the elections were, shall we say, a little more transparent.

Towards Theoretical Renewal

I am interested in Zyuganov’s observations on religion, which appear towards the end of his speech.  But in order to understand these observations, let me take a moment to outline their context.  The scope of the speech is significant, seeking to map out what is needed rather than focusing on one area in depth.  It ranges from the extensive recent protests in Russia against Putin’s gangster-capitalism; through the clear failures of capitalism in light of sustained and near global recession; to assessments of the defeat of the Communist Party in the 1980s, which he attributes in no small part to the loss of theoretical sophistication, the culmination being Gorbachev’s ideological trouncing of the party in his liberal-bourgeois revolution.

The strongest parts of his speech concern the assessment of Russia since 1991, with its sharp decline in terms of economics, education, life expectancy and health since then;1 his analysis of class struggle in Russia today, especially his focus on workers not initially experienced in class struggle from the Soviet era but now moving slowly from a class ‘in itself’ to a class ‘for itself’, marked most notably by the massive increase in strikes and protests; his exploration of the spirit of soviet civilisation, which runs deep in Russia and is for that reason attacked tooth and nail by the oligarchs.

Not all of Zyuganov’s speech is persuasive.  Missing is any discussion of gender and sexuality, perhaps because the party still holds the ‘family’ as the basic item and has not faced up in any credible manner to the importance of gays, lesbians and queers.  Further, I do not find the argument for the dialectical unity of socialism and patriotism the most robust.  Although it cannot be gainsaid that nationalist movements have given and continue to give voice to the desire for liberation, and although patriotism may be a necessary feature of such movements at certain moments, the ambivalence of patriotism is a perpetual problem.  Too often does it veer towards intolerance and xenophobia.  And I would have preferred a little less jargon.  But this should be read less as a sign of sloppy thinking than as a need to signal a genre of analysis.  In this light, the touchstones of Marx and Lenin play a crucial role, although it may come as a surprise to many listeners and readers outside Russia that Stalin is cited often.  Inside Russia this is far less of a problem, for his star shines strongly as the leader and victor of the ‘Great Patriotic War’ (WWII).

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