by BRAHIM EL GUABLI
The political atmosphere, created by the sexual liberty debate in Morocco, is reminiscent of the early 2000, when the then brave Family, Childhood and Social Solidarity Minister, Professor Said Essaidi, proposed and staunchly defended his National Plan for the Integration of Women in Development. This latter would have assuredly catapulted Moroccan women into the heart of the socioeconomic development of the country; had it been passed the way it was drafted, it would have allowed Moroccan women to be on the foot of equality with men and would have allowed them to acquire more clout in economy and politics.
Said Essaidi brought to the ministry a long career in academia, being a professor of sociology, and progressive politics, having been a member of the defunct Moroccan Communist Party, which allowed him to understand and address the real issues that required political will to put an end to the woes of Moroccan women. This reform-oriented initiative was met with a huge political fuss orchestrated by the conservative forces that consider themselves the guardians of the Moroccan values. The result of the ensuing intellectual and political jostling was unique, and could only happen in Morocco at the time, given the antipodal nature of the diverse actors who found themselves in the midst of a deep societal debate which required both political will and popular support to come to fruition. I said that that debate could only take place in Morocco at that point in time exactly for the following reasons: 1) a smooth transition had just happened between two kings who shared everything but the style of government; Hassan II passed away and his son Mohamed VI was enthroned. 2) A political alternation government was put in place and was led by the USFP; the sworn enemy of the monarchy and the administrative parties for almost five decades and finally 3) the existence of a large margin of freedom of speech whose foundation rested on independent journalism and a dynamic civil society.
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