EA officials complicit in rape of Congo – UN experts


A prisoner with bound wrists pleads while being beaten by government soldiers just outside Goma in eastern Congo. Photo/REUTERS
By KEVIN J. KELLEY, Posted Monday, December 7 2009 at 00:00

Officials in Tanzania, Uganda and Burundi are conniving with arms dealers and gold smugglers working for rebel forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a panel of United Nations experts charges in an unreleased report.

The report also appears to imply that some of the gold is being flown out of East Africa aboard a Kenya-based airline’s flights.
When contacted, the airline confirmed that it had been in touch with the UN experts.

The rebel groups, along with the DRC’s own military, are responsible for the deaths of millions of Congolese civilians over the past several years.

Rwanda and the UN’s peacekeeping mission in the DRC have also been implicated due to their links to figures accused of committing atrocities.
The report also names countries and corporations outside Africa in the course of tracing a global network that helps finance the Hutu-dominated rebel FDLR (Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda) militia that carries out much of the pillaging inside the DRC.

Rwanda genocide

The East African for more

Second South Asian Interactive Documentary Festival (announcement)

SAFMA presents:
The National Documentary Festival 2009
14th- 16th December 2009

The National Documentary Festival will screen documentaries from different cities of Pakistan covering topics of conflict, peace, people , cultures and women rights. Top four films will be screened at the Second South Asian Interactive Documentary Festival. SAIDF aims at drawing attention to the critical role of documentary making in South Asian media in creating awareness of the inter and intra state conflicts in the region and the need for peaceful solutions to conflicts, and creating an understanding among various cultures and people in the region.

Venue: South Asian Media Centre, 177-A,Shadman2,Lahore

RSVP: Sarah Tareen
Phone: 0300-4591184

Schedule:

Day 1: 14th December 2009

Inauguration (4:00 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.): SAFMA National Documentary Festival
Introduction to the Festival: By Sarah Tareen, Coordinator South Asian Documentary Festival
Welcome Address: Shirin Pasha, Head Film & TV Department (National College of Arts)
Address by Chief Guest: Munnu Bhai, President Free Media Foundation

Screening I- People, peace and cultures
Comments by: Panelists
Open House

DAY-II (December 15th )

Screening-II (3:00p.m. – 5:00p.m.): Category: Conflict and Peace
Comments by Panelists
Open House:
Address by Chief Guest:
Tea

Screening-III (6:00 p.m.-8:00 p.m.): Women in South Asia
Comments by: The Jury
Open House
Remarks: By Chief Guest
Tea Break

DAY-III (December 16th)

Closing Ceremony (05.00 p.m. to 06.30 p.m)
Welcome Address
Review of the Festival and Recommendations: By the Jury
Remarks by: Imtiaz Alam, Secretary General SAFMA

Address by Chief Guest
Tea (06.30 to 07.00 p.m.)

Jury Members:

Shirin Pasha – Filmmaker/Head Film & TV Department NCA
Munnu Bhai- Senior Columnist/ Writer
Feryal Ali- Gauhar- Filmmaker/ Advisory board member- Studies in South Asian Film and Media Journal
Mazhar Zaidi- Executive Producer- Dawn News

Ms Sarah Tareen
Producer
FTI Productions
http://www.fti.net.pk
Coordinator
South Asian Documentary Festival
177-A,Shadman-2,Lahore
South Asian Media Centre.
(92-42) 7555621-8

Is Money Tainting the Plasma Supply?

By ANDREW POLLACK, Published: December 5, 2009, Eagle Pass, Tex.


Michael Stravato for The New York Times
Patricia Hernandez, left, and Alejandra Baca donate plasma twice a week in Eagle Pass, Tex., a border town with 22,000 people and two plasma collection centers

WHEN the tips her husband earned as a waiter began dwindling a year ago, Esmeralda Delgado decided to help support her family.

Twice a week, Ms. Delgado, the mother of three young girls, walks across the bridge from Piedras Negras, Mexico, where she lives, to Eagle Pass and enters a building just two blocks from the border.

Inside, for about an hour, Ms. Delgado lies hooked to a machine that extracts plasma, the liquid part of the blood, from a vein in her arm. The $60 a week she is paid almost equals her husband’s earnings.
“This is like another income,” she says.

Hundreds, probably thousands, of Mexicans like Ms. Delgado come to the United States to trade their plasma for dollars. Eagle Pass, a town of 27,000 that bills itself as the place “where yee-hah meets olé,” has two such plasma collection centers. There are about 15 others in border cities from Brownsville, Tex., to Yuma, Ariz.

The centers are run by pharmaceutical companies that transform the plasma into life-saving but expensive medicines for diseases like immune deficiencies and hemophilia.

Some border centers are new while others have been around for many years. They account for only a small percentage of the plasma collected by the industry, with the rest coming from collection centers throughout the United States.

But they have stirred debate in recent years because they illustrate the workings of the $12 billion plasma products business, a fast-growing industry that has depended on the blood of people hard up for cash. Based on typical industry yields and prevailing prices, it appears that a single plasma donation, for which a donor might be paid $30, results in pharmaceutical products worth at least $300.

Away from the border as well, many plasma collection centers have historically been located in areas of extreme poverty, some with high drug abuse. That troubles some people, who say it might contaminate the plasma supply or the health of people who sell their plasma.

“Why in the United States do we have to depend on people who are down and out to donate?” says Dr. Roger Kobayashi, an immunologist in Omaha who uses plasma products to treat many patients. “You are taking advantage of economically disadvantaged individuals, and I don’t think you are that worried about their health.”

Dr. Kobayashi, who also teaches at the University of California, Los Angeles, says the collections on the Mexican border skirt the policy aimed at keeping plasma products safe from pathogens by prohibiting imports of plasma. “If you can’t import the plasma,” he says, “why not import the donor?”

But the plasma companies and federal regulators say the practice is legal, ethical and safe. There have been no known cases of an infectious disease being transmitted through plasma products for more than a decade. And since the body quickly renews its plasma, the process is considered safe for donors if properly monitored.

“It’s not like giving up a kidney,” says Dr. Jay Epstein, director of blood research at the Food and Drug Administration, which regulates the collection centers and the plasma products.

The industry says the same precautions are taken at the border as everywhere else. “I don’t understand the difference between having a center in El Paso and having a center in Columbus, Ohio,” says Bruce Nogales, who runs plasma collection for Talecris BioTherapeutics, owner of the center that Ms. Delgado visits. Nine of Talecris’s 71 collection centers, including four new ones, are on the border.

Still, the industry has made a lot of efforts in recent years to shed its skid row image by building some centers in middle-class areas and by promoting altruistic reasons for donating plasma. Companies say donors now come from various walks of life.

The United States is one of the few countries that allows plasma donors to be paid. (And even here the plasma industry says it pays donors for their time, not for the plasma itself.)

But many of the countries that prohibit compensation do not collect enough plasma. So they rely on plasma or plasma products made from the blood of people who donate in the United States, which supplies more than half the world’s plasma.

“The U.S. is the OPEC of plasma,” says Jim MacPherson, chief executive of America’s Blood Centers, a network of blood banks.
FOR the plasma industry, times have been good. Growth has averaged 8 percent a year over the last two decades.

Talecris, a leader in the business, just raised $1.1 billion in an initial public stock offering. The transaction represented a handsome return for Cerberus, the private equity fund. Cerberus acquired what is now Talecris from Bayer in 2005.

To satisfy demand for plasma-based medicines, the industry has increased the number of collection centers to 408, from 299 in 2005, according to the Plasma Protein Therapeutics Association, the industry trade group. Paid donations in the United States rose to 18.8 million in 2008 from 10.4 million in 2005.

NYTimes for more

Venezuela: Hugo Chavez calls for international socialist unity

By Federico Fuentes, Caracas

November 27, 2009 — Addressing delegates at the International Encounter of Left Parties held in Caracas, November 19-21, Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez said that with the capitalist crisis and threat of war risking the future of humanity, “the people are clamoring” for greater unity of those willing to fight for socialism.

Chavez used his November 20 speech to the conference, which involved delegates from 55 left groups from 31 countries, to call for a new international socialist organisation to unite left groups and social movements: “The time has come for us to organise the Fifth International.”

Historic

This call is historic. It follows Chavez’s call in 2005 that the only response to the barbarism of the capitalist system was to create “a new socialism of the 21st century”. In 2006, Chavez made another historic call for the creation in Venezuela of a new, mass revolutionary party in order to unite all who were part of the struggle to transform Venezuela into one party. This lead to the launch in 2007 of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) .

Chavez’s call for a new international is historic because of his authority as the head of a government leading a revolutionary movement to build socialism. The Bolivrian revolution sees itself as international. Chavez has repeatedly said that either socialism is built globally or there will be no 22nd century for humanity.

The call for a new international organisation builds on the history of the socialist movement. There have been four previous socialist “internationals”, the first created by Karl Marx in 1864, which collapsed. The Second International was formed in 1889, but fell apart when representative parties sided with their own governments in the bloodshed of World War I. The Third International was founded in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. However, Chavez said it “degenerated” under Stalinism and “betrayed” struggles for socialism around the world. Leon Trotsky founded the Fourth International in 1938. However, Trotsky died in 1940 and his followers never succeeded in building mass support.

A majority of the delegates at the Caracas conference adopted a special resolution in support of founding the “Fifth Socialist International as a space for socialist-oriented parties, movements and currents in which we can harmonise a common strategy for the struggle against imperialism, the overthrow of capitalism by socialism”. April next year has been set as the date for a conference to launch the new international.

Chavez repeated his call in his speech the next day to the congress of the PSUV, which began on November 21. He asked the congress “to include in its agenda for debate, the proposal to convene political parties and currents to create the Fifth Socialist International as a new organisation that fits the time and the challenge in which we live, and that can become an instrument of unification and coordination of the struggle of peoples to save this planet”. Chavez said the discussion “must go out to the people, to the social organisations and other forms of popular power in the country”.

The PSUV, a mass revolutionary party in formation, will no doubt take up this discussion with full vigour.

Likewise, left parties around the world will need to take a position on this extremely important proposal which has the potential to significantly advance the international socialist movement..

Links for more

The Indian mercantilist empire

OPINION

The pattern of development in India seems ominously like England in the nineteenth century. Are Indian companies the vanguard of a 21st century Indian imperialism, ask Rajesh Kasturirangan.

30 November 2009 – These days, it is not unusual to hear that some Indian company or the other is acquiring large properties abroad. Tata bought Corus, Mittal bought Arcelor and Reliance is making a bid for LyondellBassell. Less than twenty years after liberalisation began, the Indian capitalist class is as ambitious as any of its counterparts in the rest of the world.

It is also, perhaps, just as ruthless. I haven’t been shocked by the acquisition of companies in the first world, which one could argue is part and parcel of the natural process of globalisation and the flattening of hierarchy and resources between the first world and the developing world. As a country with a large, widely spread and well educated diaspora, we are all well situated to take advantage of globalisation. However, there is another kind of Indian expansionism which is more ominous, for it is driven by the acquisition of land and natural resources and the exploitation of the weakest people in the world.

We know that the Chinese are investing aggressively in oil, minerals and other natural resources throughout Africa and South America. If the Chinese expansion is state-directed, there is a corresponding Indian intervention by private parties. Twice in the last month, I read that the government of Ethiopia was leasing arable land to Indian agribusiness companies. As one article says, “The government of India, where land is crowded and overfarmed, is offering incentives to companies to carve out mega farms across the continent.”

India Together
for more

The War Award

By B. R. Gowani

Yesterday, the United States President Barack Hussein Obama received the Nobel Peace Prize.

His statement: “Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale” is true for little people, but also for the big powers as the larger scale of violence is amply evident by the US tactics in conducting numerous drone attacks on Pakistan and atrocities elsewhere. In this case, it is not a few small men with outsized rage but it is many big men with outsized egos and the hunger for power to dominate that is committing the murders of innocents on a horrific scale.

It is the Super power’s prerogative to use violence on a larger scale and commit whatever atrocities against any section of population in the name of preserving peace and furthering freedom. But they condemn the same horrors when conducted by the little people in response to the violence committed against the little people and their civilian families.

To make the veterans of the Civil Rights Movement happy, he talked of Dr. King’s influence. But in the same breath, he also acknowledged the futility of non-violent methods. As usual, he tried to play to many galleries; and he succeeded.

He said Iran and North Korea should not have nuclear weapons but did not mention the hundreds of weapons ready to be fired by Israel. War has been part of the US history and so Obama defended it. He said that although war is tragic, it is necessary; and through wars the US has maintained the world peace! This is strange logic. But then people with power are always strange. Obama has super power and so his reasoning is super strange.

Other highlights:

Beginning of Labors on the World Stage

In acknowledging the controversy behind this award, Obama said: “I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage.”

One wonders how many lives will be lost, how much global poverty will increase, and how many crooks will be richer at the end of his labors?

Winners

He mentions the names of some previous winners who either really deserved the award (Nelson Mandela and Dr. Martin Luther King) or were slightly controversial (Albert Schweitzer and George C. Marshall) but refrained from mentioning the terrorist (Menachem Begin) or criminal par excellence (Henry Kissinger).

Heil Hitler

Paying tribute to Adolf Hitler has become customary with the US presidents and so Obama could not abstain. “A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies.” What he or other US leaders fail to mention is that in the first half of last century, Britain, France, and the US had most of the Third World under their direct or indirect rule and so Germany which didn’t stand much chance in the Third World decided to grab territory in the homeland or white territory, that is, Europe. That was unacceptable to Britain and France. (This was before the holocaust years.)

Third World War

He proudly proclaimed: “Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War.”
One wrong move on the part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or the United States could have resulted in that dreaded war, but for the fact that Nikita Khrushchev backed off during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis that averted the war. So the Third World War did not happen. However, the Third World was not spared the fury, especially, from the US.

Divine Will

Those who kill in the name of God were criticized by Obama who kills in the name of Democracy. In other words, Democratic Will justifies killing people while Divine Will does not.

Middle East

As usual, Israel’s repressive rule and Palestinians’ helplessness was presented as a conflict between equals in the following words:

“At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.”

B. R. Gowani can be reached at brgowani@hotmail.com

Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize speech

Remarks of the U.S. president in Oslo
msnbc.com

OSLO, Norway – Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help – to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by forty three other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

msnbc for more

The pro-war Nation and Obama’s Afghan escalation

By David Walsh 4 December 2009

The Nation magazine, the American liberal-left publication, has responded to President Barack Obama’s speech Tuesday night announcing the dispatch of an additional 30,000 US troops to Afghanistan with a flurry of articles. The commentary is both an effort at damage control and a new attempt to mislead the US population and keep it within the bounds of the present political setup.

Obama’s speech represents a turning point for the American intervention in the region and for the Obama administration itself. The government elected on the slogan of “change,” with the assistance of “left” forces such as the Nation, has now fully revealed its warmongering character. The Afghan escalation will lead to massive destruction and death, new atrocities, new war crimes—all in pursuit of the US ruling elite’s economic and political interests.

The Nation strongly endorsed Obama in the summer and fall of 2008. In July 2008, the magazine authored an open letter to the Democratic presidential candidate (“Change We Can Believe In”), eventually signed by a good many of America’s liberal luminaries (including Phil Donahue, Barbara Ehrenreich, Jodie Evans of CodePink, Eric Foner, Eli Pariser of MoveOn.org, Norman Solomon, Studs Terkel, Gore Vidal, Howard Zinn and others). The letter declared:

“Your candidacy has inspired a wave of political enthusiasm like nothing seen in this country for decades. In your speeches, you have sketched out a vision of a better future—in which the United States sheds its warlike stance around the globe and focuses on diplomacy abroad and greater equality and freedom for its citizens at home—that has thrilled voters across the political spectrum.”

Last October, on the eve of the election, an editorial in the Nation asserted that “American democracy finds itself at another crossroads, facing a new democratic vista. The choice between Barack Obama and John McCain could hardly be clearer.”

Obama’s December 1 speech and the openly militaristic and aggressive character of his policy, as well as its obvious continuity with Bush’s policies, embarrass the Nation and place it in a discomfited political position. It has been exposed as an enabler of imperialist war and reaction.

In an even more troubling problem for the magazine’s editors, ten months of an administration that has handed over billions to the banks while doing nothing for the jobless, and will now proceed with a major intensification of the neocolonial war in Central Asia, have produced disillusionment and disappointment within wide layers of the population. Inevitably, that mood will turn to open opposition.

It is above all the danger of a popular break with Obama and the Democrats that propels the Nation’s editors and writers into print.
It would be wrong to characterize the Nation as antiwar in any serious sense, or as an opponent of American imperialism. The magazine’s leading articles on Tuesday’s speech, by Katrina vanden Heuvel, Tom Hayden, John Nichols, Robert Dreyfuss and Robert Scheer, make no attempt to dissect Obama’s lies and contradictions. They include no demand for an immediate withdrawal of American forces from the region. There is no mention of colonialism or American geopolitical interests. “Oil” and “energy” never appear among the more than 5,000 words in the articles.

The Nation writers express virtually no concern for the decades of suffering of the Afghan people as a result of US intervention. (Hayden makes the only reference to the human devastation, the perfunctory comment that “Civilian casualties are under-reported according to the UN mission in Afghanistan.”) Kunduz, the scene of a recent massacre, and Bagram, the US base where torture and murder have been carried out, receive no mention. Remarkably, the only use of the word “torture” in the various pieces (in Nichols’s article) is in the context of Obama’s supposed inner anguish in attempting to placate proponents and opponents of sending additional troops.

The Nation treats the Afghan intervention much as the rest of the American mainstream media does, as either an appropriate or a misguided effort to defend US interests or make Afghanistan and the region “secure” and “stable.” It is a thoroughly establishment organ.

Nichols (in “Obama Has Spoken—Now, Let’s Have a Debate”) calls Obama’s speech a “carefully-constructed and nuanced call…for the extension of the US occupation of Afghanistan.” He expresses his respectful disagreement with the decision to escalate and urges a debate in Congress.

In his comment (“Exit: 2011?”), Robert Dreyfuss, fresh from his service on behalf of US destabilization efforts in Iran, writes: “Having had lengthy discussions with many, perhaps most, of Obama’s advisers on Afghanistan and Pakistan over the past two years, it’s clear to me that those advisers believe passionately that vital US interests are at stake in that conflict.” He too, however, begs to differ.

This extraordinary confession of closeness to top officials in the American state appears in an ostensibly “left-wing” publication. Dreyfuss unequivocally vouches for Obama: “He, and his team, aren’t supporters of global, military hegemony by the United States.”

Vanden Heuvel, the Nation’s editor and publisher, who could barely control her rapture over Obama’s victory last November, terms the Obama speech “a tragic moment—both for the nation and his presidency” (but not, apparently, for the people of Central Asia, who will by far suffer the most). By “tragic,” she means—although she does not care to spell it out—that the escalation politically unmasks Obama.
Liberal filmmaker Michael Moore, in his open letter to Obama issued on the eve of the West Point speech, speaks somewhat more candidly, asserting that an escalation “will do the worst possible thing you could do—destroy the hopes and dreams so many millions have placed in you.”

In her Nation piece, vanden Heuvel writes of “a President we had high expectations for,” who is “escalating a war that may well deplete this country of the resources needed to rebuild its promise, while doing little to nothing to make us or the region more secure or stable.” But why did she and her editorial board have such “expectations,” why, in short, did they understand and foresee nothing?

Tom Hayden and Robert Scheer, veterans of the 1960s protest movements, play at more leftish stances. Hayden, a former Democratic state legislator in California, dramatically declares (in “Obama Announces Afghanistan Escalation”), “It’s time to strip the Obama sticker off my car,” before hastily reassuring his readers that he will support Obama in the 2012 election!

Scheer (“Afghanistan: Here We Go Again”) provides a history of US intervention in Afghanistan, including the role played by President Jimmy Carter, the latter’s national security adviser and current adviser to Obama, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Richard Holbrooke, “now Obama’s civilian point man on Afghanistan,” in fomenting and financing Islamic fundamentalism.

However, Scheer, the former editor of Ramparts magazine, draws no conclusions from the history, except to observe cynically, “So here we go again, selling firewater to the natives and calling it salvation.” What is the US doing in Afghanistan? He has no idea: “Thanks to the political opportunism of the current Commander-in-Chief the Afghanistan war is still without end or logical purpose.”

What do the Nation’s writers propose as a response to the Afghan escalation?

WSWS for more

From Kabul to Kashmir

By Selig S. Harrison | NEWSWEEK, Published Nov 13, 2009

From the magazine issue dated Nov 23, 2009

By all rights, the United States and India should be bound together by the shared tragedies of 9/11 and last year’s terrorist attacks in Mumbai. India’s size, economic-growth trajectory, and rising power as a stable, secular democracy in a dangerous part of the world ought to make it a key U.S. partner. Instead, Washington’s single-minded focus on India’s much smaller unstable neighbor, Pakistan, in carrying out the war on terror has increasingly strained its relations with New Delhi. To India’s dismay, the U.S. has looked the other way while much of the $10.5 billion in military hardware and cash subsidies provided to the Pakistan Army for use against the Taliban has been diverted to building up arms capabilities targeted at India. Equally disturbing is that Washington has given only perfunctory support to India in pushing Pakistan to prosecute the perpetrators of the Mumbai attacks.

The principal argument advanced to justify this focus is that the U.S. needs the cooperation of Pakistani generals to counter Al -Qaeda and the Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan. But, far from helping, Islamabad is giving covert aid to the Taliban. It also has yet to provide the intelligence needed to root out Al Qaeda—a point driven home in October when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, referring to Al Qaeda, told an audience in Pakistan that it was “hard to believe that nobody in your government knows where they are and couldn’t get them if they really wanted to.”

To complicate matters further, many Pakistani leaders now argue that their country needs a strong Taliban in Afghanistan to offset the rising Indian influence there. The price for cutting its ties with the Taliban, Islamabad says, is a “grand bargain” in which India lowers its profile in Kabul and settles the Kashmir issue. This position is of a piece with the longstanding desire in Islamabad to make Afghanistan a satellite state that will provide “defense in depth” against New Delhi. In an interview with me in 1988, Pakistani President Mohammad Zia ul-Haq declared that “we have earned the right as a frontline state against the Russians to have a friendly regime in Kabul, a regime to our liking.” Two decades later, a Pakistani general told the visiting U.S. Director of Intelligence Mike McConnell that “we must support the Taliban so that there is a government friendly to Pakistan in Kabul. Otherwise, India will reign.” More recently, the spokesman for the Pakistan armed forces criticized the “overinvolvement of Indians in Afghanistan,” specifically warning against any Indian aid in training the Afghan Army.

Most U.S. officials have ignored Pakistan’s attack on the Indian presence in Kabul. But Gen. Stanley McChrystal echoed the Pakistani refrain in his assessment of the prospects in Afghanistan, stating that “increasing Indian influence in Afghanistan is likely to exacerbate regional tensions and encourage Pakistani countermeasures in Afghanistan or India.” This was a bombshell in New Delhi, and the Obama administration should make clear that it is not opposed to more Indian influence in Kabul. The U.S. goal should be a sovereign Afghanistan, not the creation of an anti-Indian Pakistani satellite state. To this end, the U.S. and NATO should encourage India and other regional powers to play a greater role in shaping Afghanistan’s future and in setting the terms for a gradual U.S.-NATO withdrawal. So far, Indian assistance to Kabul has consisted of just $1.2 billion in economic aid and police training, but it could offer a valuable addition to the currently ineffectual U.S.-NATO effort to train the Afghan Army.

As President Obama has observed, the Kashmir issue “is obviously a tar pit, diplomatically.” That is because it is not a territorial issue. In Indian eyes, the retention of a Muslim-majority Kashmir is necessary to preserve India’s character as a secular state in which 160 million Muslims coexist uneasily with a Hindu majority. By the same token, Pakistan gives Kashmir top priority to vindicate its creation as an Islamic state.

To be sure, significant progress was made during former president Pervez Musharraf’s regime in exploring the terms for a thaw in Kashmir. But no proposal for a “grand bargain” would have any chance of success unless Islamabad prosecutes the perpetrators of the Mumbai attacks and destroys the Islamist paramilitary forces that threaten India and Pakistan. This is extremely unlikely, given the grip of Islamist sympathizers on the Pakistan Army. So while the U.S. should continue to give large-scale development aid to Pakistan, the focus of its attention in South Asia should shift to India—one of the few bright spots on the U.S. global horizon.

Harrison is director of the Asia Program at the Center for International Policy and a senior scholar of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.

Find this article at http://www.newsweek.com/id/222631

© 2009

CIP for more