Marketing global health care: the practices of big pharma

Kalman Applbaum

Abstract

Medicines and health care represent an ultimate arena for the application of marketing because our needs in that province of experience are deep and subject to the sort of manipulation at which marketing excels. In the United States, marketing has created an ‘Overdo$ed’, ‘Overtreated’ ‘Rx Generation’ (the titles of just three recent bestsellers). Meanwhile, in most of the rest of the world people suffer from diseases whose incidence would be dramatically reduced if they had ready access to the medicines already in use in the west fifty years ago. The overconsumption of pharmaceuticals in affluent countries, and the degradation of health services for poor people in most other countries, are related. Critics such as Paul Farmer point out that the principal culprit in causing growing health inequality is the relinquishment of formerly public administrative responsibilities to market forces; market forces are a form of ‘structural violence’ that brings together opportunistic profit-taking and inept or uncaring state planners to produce a dangerous combination of international exploitation and indifference. We can greatly advance our understanding of market forces by studying the powerful, organised design of ‘big pharma’, the world’s wealthiest industry, as it confronts the world’s healthcare infrastructure in an attempt to standardise and control its sources of profit.

SR

Socialism i Amal: Baloch poem by Gul Khan Nasir

Baloch poem by Gul Khan Nasir with English translation:

Marchi dunya pa tarr o taab aa inth
Socialism ai amal pa daab aa inth

Sindh ai waddayra waaja lakkaanee
Lenin ai thaw gwashe jawaab aa inth

Chaudhary zar shulunchen Punjaab ai
Socialism aa pa paych o thaab aa inth

Khan saahib gon sheethagaan zarr ai
Gham aa mazdoor ai cho rabaab aa inth

Mir saahib Baloch ai kaandaalen
Mao Tse Tung ai cho kithaab aa inth

Man kay marzaan kaheebee gupthaaraan
Dil man angaaraan cho kabaab aa inth

Dung aa osaartha kilakkaa darwesh ai
Qaatil ai fikr gon sawaab aa inth

Duzz kot waalee aa pa dilmaan inth
Heeken duzz-paal cho sahaab aa inth

Gurk lotith shuwaanee aa ramag ai
Pishee peegaanee washain waab aa inth

Mosh dilmaanag inth pa anpaan aa
Thola murgh aa pa chait o thaab aa inth

Zarr o zoraanee waaja bay hoshain
Korain syaah maaray man ziraab aa inth

Aqal peenz aa inth waaja kaaraanee
Bojee ish fikr ai neen saraab aa inth

Cho na zaananth ay mir o waddayra
Paad saamraaj ay man rakaab aa inth

Waahren kaaree o bazzagen dehqaan
Siraynish basthag pa inqalaab aa inth

Dap labeesee ay daur gwastha shutha
Neen hamaa beeth kay man kithaab aa inth

Usthamaan wath wathee neen boothaar inth
Waajag ai waajagee habaab aa inth

Aa bigindith Nasir maujaanee
Bayrakay zurtha cho gulaab aa inth

English Translation
(I’ll do my best to try and translate this poem accurately)

Today, the world is changing fast
Socialism’s charm is in full swing

Sindh’s Wadera, with a bank balance of millions
Is telling Lenin how socialism should be

Punjab’s rich andpompous Chaudary
Is twisting and twining socialism

Khan Sahib (of The Pashtuns), whose pockets are full ofcash
Is (pretending to be) trembling in agony [like thestrings of a violin]

On the pain of the proletariat
Mir Sahib (of the Balochs) is looting the impoverishedBaloch farmers (not the big landlords)

On pretext of enacting land reforms (like Mao)
Even as I am uttering these words

The fire burning in my heart is barbecuing it
The dacoit has donned the mendicant’s garments

The murderer’s thoughts are of earning rewards from God
The defendant wants to be the judge

Thieving pigs desire to be compared to friends of theProphet
The wolf yearns to be made the shepherd of the sheep

The cat dreams of getting pieces of fresh meat
The mouse is craving for flour

The jackal is impatient to get its hands on the hen
The rich and powerful are asleep

The black snake (the bourgeoisie) is burning
The bosses’ brains are located in their heels

The ship of their thoughts is sailing towards a mirage
These Mirs and Waderas fail to realize

That imperialism is about to leave (its foot is in thestirrup)
The poor labourers and farmers

Have their loins girded, and are ready for a revolution
The age of flattery has gone

Now things will happen as they do in the books
The public have become their own masters

The bubble of the aristocrats is about to burst
Take a look at the tides of change

Nasir is moving forward with the red flag

(Balochi Poem Written By

Gul Khan Nasir
On 18th October, 1975
In Central Jail Mach)

RDP

Opium, Rape and the American Way

By Chris Hedges

The warlords we champion in Afghanistan are as venal, as opposed to the rights of women and basic democratic freedoms, and as heavily involved in opium trafficking as the Taliban. The moral lines we draw between us and our adversaries are fictional. The uplifting narratives used to justify the war in Afghanistan are pathetic attempts to redeem acts of senseless brutality. War cannot be waged to instill any virtue, including democracy or the liberation of women. War always empowers those who have a penchant for violence and access to weapons. War turns the moral order upside down and abolishes all discussions of human rights. War banishes the just and the decent to the margins of society. And the weapons of war do not separate the innocent and the damned. An aerial drone is our version of an improvised explosive device. An iron fragmentation bomb is our answer to a suicide bomb. A burst from a belt-fed machine gun causes the same terror and bloodshed among civilians no matter who pulls the trigger.

“We need to tear the mask off of the fundamentalist warlords who after the tragedy of 9/11 replaced the Taliban,” Malalai Joya, who was expelled from the Afghan parliament two years ago for denouncing government corruption and the Western occupation, told me during her visit to New York last week. “They used the mask of democracy to take power. They continue this deception. These warlords are mentally the same as the Taliban. The only change is physical. These warlords during the civil war in Afghanistan from 1992 to 1996 killed 65,000 innocent people. They have committed human rights violations, like the Taliban, against women and many others.”

“In eight years less than 2,000 Talib have been killed and more than 8,000 innocent civilians has been killed,” she went on. “We believe that this is not war on terror. This is war on innocent civilians. Look at the massacres carried out by NATO forces in Afghanistan. Look what they did in May in the Farah province, where more than 150 civilians were killed, most of them women and children. They used white phosphorus and cluster bombs. There were 200 civilians on 9th of September killed in the Kunduz province, again most of them women and children. You can see the Web site of professor Marc Herold, this democratic man, to know better the war crimes in Afghanistan imposed on our people. The United States and NATO eight years ago occupied my country under the banner of woman’s rights and democracy. But they have only pushed us from the frying pan into the fire. They put into power men who are photocopies of the Taliban.”

Afghanistan’s boom in the trade in opium, used to produce heroin, over the past eight years of occupation has funneled hundreds of millions of dollars to the Taliban, al-Qaida, local warlords, criminal gangs, kidnappers, private armies, drug traffickers and many of the senior figures in the government of Hamid Karzai. The New York Times reported that the brother of President Karzai, Ahmed Wali Karzai, has been collecting money from the CIA although he is a major player in the illegal opium business. Afghanistan produces 92 percent of the world’s opium in a trade that is worth some $65 billion, the United Nations estimates. This opium feeds some 15 million addicts worldwide and kills around 100,000 people annually. These fatalities should be added to the rolls of war dead.

Antonio Maria Costa, executive director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), said that the drug trade has permitted the Taliban to thrive and expand despite the presence of 100,000 NATO troops.

Truth Dig

The Anti-Empire Report

November 4th, 2009

By William Blum

www.killinghope.org

“It is forbidden to kill; therefore all murderers are punished unless they kill in large numbers and to the sound of trumpets.” — Voltaire

Question: How many countries do you have to be at war with to be disqualified from receiving the Nobel Peace Prize?

Answer: Five. Barack Obama has waged war against only Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. He’s holding off on Iran until he actually gets the prize.

Somalian civil society and court system are so devastated from decades of war that one wouldn’t expect its citizens to have the means to raise serious legal challenges to Washington’s apparent belief that it can drop bombs on that sad land whenever it appears to serve the empire’s needs. But a group of Pakistanis, calling themselves “Lawyers Front for Defense of the Constitution”, and remembering just enough of their country’s more civilized past, has filed suit before the nation’s High Court to make the federal government stop American drone attacks on countless innocent civilians. The group declared that a Pakistan Army spokesman claimed to have the capability to shoot down the drones, but the government had made a policy decision not to. 1

The Obama administration, like the Bush administration, behaves like the world is one big lawless Somalia and the United States is the chief warlord. On October 20 the president again displayed his deep love of peace by honoring some 80 veterans of Vietnam at the White House, after earlier awarding their regiment a Presidential Unit Citation for its “extraordinary heroism and conspicuous gallantry”. 2 War correspondent Michael Herr has honored Vietnam soldiers in his own way: “We took space back quickly, expensively, with total panic and close to maximum brutality. Our machine was devastating. And versatile. It could do everything but stop.” 3

What would it take for the Obamaniacs to lose any of the stars in their eyes for their dear Nobel Laureate? Perhaps if the president announced that he was donating his prize money to build a monument to the First — “Oh What a Lovely” — World War? The memorial could bear the inscription: “Let us remember that Rudyard Kipling coaxed his young son John into enlisting in this war. John died his first day in combat. Kipling later penned these words:

“If any question why we died,
Tell them, because our fathers lied.”

“The Constitution supposes what the history of all governments demonstrates, that the executive is the branch of power most interested in war, and most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care vested the question of war in the legislature.” — James Madison, in a letter to Thomas Jefferson, April 2, 1798.

A wise measure, indeed, but one American president after another has dragged the nation into bloody war without the approval of Congress, the American people, international law, or world opinion. Millions marched against the war in Iraq before it began. Millions more voted for Barack Obama in the belief that he shared their repugnance for America’s Wars Without End. They had no good reason to believe this — Obama’s campaign was filled with repeated warlike threats against Iran and Afghanistan — but they wanted to believe it.

If machismo explains war, if men love war and fighting so much, why do we have to compel them with conscription on pain of imprisonment? Why do the powers-that-be have to wage advertising campaigns to seduce young people to enlist in the military? Why do young men go to extreme lengths to be declared exempt for physical or medical reasons? Why do they flee into exile to avoid the draft? Why do they desert the military in large numbers in the midst of war? Why don’t Sweden or Switzerland or Costa Rica have wars? Surely there are many macho men in those countries.

“Join the Army, visit far away places, meet interesting people, and kill them.”

War licenses men to take part in what would otherwise be described as psychopathic behavior.

“Sometimes I think it should be a rule of war that you have to see somebody up close and get to know him before you can shoot him.” — Colonel Potter, M*A*S*H

“In the struggle of Good against Evil, it’s always the people who get killed.” — Eduardo Galeano

After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, a Taliban leader declared that “God is on our side, and if the world’s people try to set fire to Afghanistan, God will protect us and help us.” 4

“I trust God speaks through me. Without that, I couldn’t do my job.” — George W. Bush, 2004, during the war in Iraq. 5

“I believe that Christ died for my sins and I am redeemed through him. That is a source of strength and sustenance on a daily basis.” — Barack Obama. 6

Why don’t church leaders forbid Catholics from joining the military with the same fervor they tell Catholics to stay away from abortion clinics?

God, war, the World Bank, the IMF, free trade agreements, NATO, the war on terrorism, the war on drugs, “anti-war” candidates, and Nobel Peace Prizes can be seen as simply different instruments for the advancement of US imperialism.

Tom Lehrer, the marvelous political songwriter of the 1950s and 60s, once observed: “Political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.” Perhaps each generation has to learn anew what a farce that prize has become, or always was. Its recipients include quite a few individuals who had as much commitment to a peaceful world as the Bush administration had to truth. One example currently in the news: Bernard Kouchner, co-founder of Medecins Sans Frontieres which won the prize in 1998. Kouchner, now France’s foreign secretary, has long been urging military action against Iran. Last week he called upon Iran to make a nuclear deal acceptable to the Western powers or else there’s no telling what horror Israel might inflict upon the Iranians. Israel “will not tolerate an Iranian bomb,” he said. “We know that, all of us.” 7 There is a word for such a veiled threat — “extortion”, something normally associated with the likes of a Chicago mobster of the 1930s … “Do like I say and no one gets hurt.” Or as Al Capone once said: “Kind words and a machine gun will get you more than kind words alone.”

The continuing desperate quest to find something good to say about US foreign policy

Not the crazy, hateful right wing, not racist or disrupting public meetings, not demanding birth certificates … but the respectable right, holding high positions in academia and in every administration, Republican or Democrat, members of the highly esteemed Council on Foreign Relations. Here’s Joshua Kurlantzick, a “Fellow for Southeast Asia” at CFR, writing in the equally esteemed and respectable Washington Post about how — despite all the scare talk — it wouldn’t be so bad if Afghanistan actually turned into another Vietnam because “Vietnam and the United States have become close partners in Southeast Asia, exchanging official visits, building an important trading and strategic relationship and fostering goodwill between governments, businesses and people on both sides. … America did not win the war there, but over time it has won the peace. … American war veterans publicly made peace with their old adversaries … A program [to exchange graduate students and professors] could ensure that the next generation of Afghan leaders sees an image of the United States beyond that of the war.” 8 And so on.

On second thought, this is not so much right-wing jingoism as it is … uh … y’know … What’s the word? … Ah yes, “pointless”. Just what is the point? Germany and Israel are on excellent terms … therefore, what point can we make about the Holocaust?

As to America not winning the war in Vietnam, that’s worse than pointless. It’s wrong. Most people believe that the United States lost the war. But by destroying Vietnam to its core, by poisoning the earth, the water, the air, and the gene pool for generations, the US in fact achieved its primary purpose: it left Vietnam a basket case, preventing the rise of what might have been a good development option for Asia, an alternative to the capitalist model; for the same reason the United States has been at war with Cuba for 50 years, making sure that the Cuban alternative model doesn’t look as good as it would if left in peace.

And in all the years since the Vietnam War ended, the millions of Vietnamese suffering from diseases and deformities caused by US sprayings of the deadly chemical “Agent Orange” have received from the United States no medical care, no environmental remediation, no compensation, and no official apology. That’s exactly what the Afghans — their land and/or their bodies permeated with depleted uranium, unexploded cluster bombs, and a witch’s brew of other charming chemicals — have to look forward to in Kurlantzick’s Brave New World. “If the U.S. relationship with Afghanistan eventually resembles the one we now have with Vietnam, we should be overjoyed,” he writes. God Bless America.

One further thought about Afghanistan: The suggestion that the United States could, and should, solve its (self-created) dilemma by simply getting out of that god-forsaken place is dismissed out of hand by the American government and media; even some leftist critics of US policy are reluctant to embrace so bold a step — Who knows what horror may result? But when the Soviet Union was in the process of quitting Afghanistan (during the period of May 1988-February 1989) who in the West insisted that they remain? For any reason. No matter what the consequences of their withdrawal. The reason the Russians could easier leave than the Americans can now is that the Russians were not there for imperialist reasons, such as oil and gas pipelines. Similar to why the US can’t leave Iraq.

Washington’s eternal “Cuba problem” — the one they can’t admit to.

“Here we go again. I suppose old habits die hard,” said US Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, on October 28 before the General Assembly voted on the annual resolution to end the US embargo against Cuba. “The hostile language we have just heard from the Foreign Minister of Cuba,” she continued, “seems straight out of the Cold War era and is not conducive to constructive progress.” Her 949-word statement contained not a word about the embargo; not very conducive to a constructive solution to the unstated “Cuba problem”, the one about Cuba inspiring the Third World, the fear that the socialist virus would spread.

Since the early days of the Cuban Revolution assorted anti-communists and capitalist true-believers around the world have been relentless in publicizing the failures, real and alleged, of life in Cuba; each perceived shortcoming is attributed to the perceived shortcomings of socialism — It’s simply a system that can’t work, we are told, given the nature of human beings, particularly in this modern, competitive, globalized, consumer-oriented world.

In response to such criticisms, defenders of Cuban society have regularly pointed out how the numerous draconian sanctions imposed by the United States since 1960 have produced many and varied scarcities and sufferings and are largely responsible for most of the problems pointed out by the critics. The critics, in turn, say that this is just an excuse, one given by Cuban apologists for every failure of their socialist system. However, it would be very difficult for the critics to prove their point. The United States would have to drop all sanctions and then we’d have to wait long enough for Cuban society to make up for lost time and recover what it was deprived of, and demonstrate what its system can do when not under constant assault by the most powerful force on earth.

In 1999, Cuba filed a suit against the United States for $181.1 billion in compensation for economic losses and loss of life during the first 39 years of this aggression. The suit held Washington responsible for the death of 3,478 Cubans and the wounding and disabling of 2,099 others. In the ten years since, these figures have of course all increased. The sanctions, in numerous ways large and small, make acquiring many kinds of products and services from around the world much more difficult and expensive, often impossible; frequently, they are things indispensable to Cuban medicine, transportation or industry; simply transferring money internationally has become a major problem for the Cubans, with banks being heavily punished by the United States for dealing with Havana; or the sanctions mean that Americans and Cubans can’t attend professional conferences in each other’s country.

These examples are but a small sample of the excruciating pain inflicted by Washington upon the body, soul and economy of the Cuban people.

For years American political leaders and media were fond of labeling Cuba an “international pariah”. We don’t hear much of that any more. Perhaps one reason is the annual vote in the General Assembly on the resolution, which reads: “Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States of America against Cuba”. This is how the vote has gone:

Year

Votes (Yes-No)

No Votes

1992 59-2 US, Israel
1993 88-4 US, Israel, Albania, Paraguay
1994 101-2 US, Israel, Uzbekistan
1995 117-3 US, Israel, Uzbekistan
1996 138-3 US, Israel, Uzbekistan
1997 143-3 US, Israel
1998 157-2 US, Israel
1999 155-2 US, Israel, Marshall Islands
2000 167-3 US, Israel, Marshall Islands
2001 167-3 US, Israel, Marshall Islands
2002 167-3 US, Israel, Marshall Islands
2003 173-3 US, Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau
2004 179-3 US, Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau
2005 182-4 US, Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau
2006 183-4 US, Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau
2007 184-4 US, Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau
2008 185-3 US, Israel, Palau
2009 187-3 US, Israel, Palau

How it began, from State Department documents: Within a few months of the Cuban revolution of January 1959, the Eisenhower administration decided “to adjust all our actions in such a way as to accelerate the development of an opposition in Cuba which would bring about a change in the Cuban Government, resulting in a new government favorable to U.S. interests.” 9

On April 6, 1960, Lester D. Mallory, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, wrote in an internal memorandum: “The majority of Cubans support Castro … The only foreseeable means of alienating internal support is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship. … every possible means should be undertaken promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba.” Mallory proposed “a line of action which … makes the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.” 10 Later that year, the Eisenhower administration instituted the suffocating embargo.

Notes

  1. The Nation (Pakistan English-language daily newspaper), October 10, 2009 ?
  2. Washington Post, October 20, 2009 ?
  3. Michael Herr, “Dispatches” (1991), p.71 ?
  4. New York Daily News, September 19, 2001 ?
  5. Washington Post, July 20, 2004, p.15, citing the New Era (Lancaster, PA), from a private meeting of Bush with Amish families on July 9. The White House denied that Bush had said it. (Those Amish folks do lie a lot you know.) ?
  6. Washington Post, August 17, 2008 ?
  7. Daily Telegraph (UK), October 26, 2009 ?
  8. Washington Post, October 25, 2009 ?
  9. Department of State, “Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, Volume VI, Cuba” (1991), p.742 ?
  10. Ibid., p.885 ?

William Blum is the author of:

  • Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War 2
  • Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower
  • West-Bloc Dissident: A Cold War Memoir
  • Freeing the World to Death: Essays on the American Empire

Portions of the books can be read, and signed copies purchased, at www.killinghope.org

Previous Anti-Empire Reports can be read at this website.

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The Damages Religious Crises Have Done to Northern Nigeria

By Demola Abimboye

More than 50 religious crises were recorded in 30 years in the North and they left political, social, economic and psychological losses and pains in their trail
“Across the bridge, there is no more sorrow. Across the bridge, there is no more sin. The sun will shine across the river, and we’ll never be unhappy again.”

This was one of the best songs of Jim Reeves, the legendary late American gospel crooner. When he composed this song many decades ago, he never knew that one day it would be the popular song among residents of the southern part of Kaduna city in North Central Nigeria. But today, this is the swan song of the people there. It gives a feeling of safety to Christians and people from the southern part of the country who are the residents of Kaduna South.

This sad turn of events in Kaduna, the political capital of Northern Nigeria, would anger the founders of this city who did not envisage segregation among its residents. Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late premier of the defunct region and one of the builders of modern Kaduna, would equally turn in his grave because the beautiful capital of the current Kaduna State is now two cities in one. No thanks to past religious crises which have taken considerable toll on the town and the entire region.

Since the creation of 12 states in 1967, the northern part of Nigeria has witnessed several violent clashes between Muslims and Christians. At the Northern Peace Conference held in Kaduna in 2004, Isawa Elaigwu, president of the Jos-based Institute of Social Research, put the number of crises between 1980 and 2004 at 50. The region has recorded many other cases since then.

BEGE Ministries, a non governmental organisation which specialises in Muslim/ Christian community relations in the West African sub-region, estimates that between 1976 and today, Nigeria has lost over 100,000 of its citizens to the crises while billions of Naira worth of properties have been destroyed in the process.

Newswatch investigations across the north showed that the series of crises have taken a terrible toll on the region. Joseph Hayab, secretary, Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, Kaduna State, said the biggest loss has been psychological. He said there is no longer mutual trust between Muslims and Christians in the north, and people are forced to live together in mutual suspicion, with the security being imposed by combat ready policemen. This, according to him, is not peace.

The Kano/Kaduna axis has definitely witnessed some of the worst inter-religious crises in the country. The bloodiest of such confrontations occurred in Kano in 1976, 1977, 1980-1981 and 1990. Kaduna witnessed three major riots between 1987 and 2000. The worst was the February 21 to 25, 2000 riot which resulted from the planned introduction of Sharia, the Islamic code, by the state government. In the mayhem between Christians and Muslims, over 2,000 people died, even though the police tried to downplay the casualty figure to 609. The police lost four of its men. About 1,944 houses and 746 vehicles were burnt. The police nabbed 559 suspects while two grenades, two medium-sized bombs and two military rocket launchers were recovered.

That year’s incident in Kaduna marked a radical departure from cohabitation in the city. Soon, population dislocation arose. The living pattern was drastically altered. Adherents of the two religions began to live in separate areas out of fear of outbreak of another crisis. The Kaduna River, which demarcates Kaduna North from Kaduna South, provided a natural border for this division. After the crisis, most Christians living in Kaduna North relocated to the south of the state capital across the bridge, while many Muslims who were resident in the south relocated to the north.

But with the Kaduna north harbouring most of the most modern businesses as well as infrastructural facilities, thousands of Christians daily troop across the bridge to the north to conduct their businesses. This mass exodus reverses itself towards the close of business everyday, as Christians hasten to return to the south, because they are ill at ease as long as they are across the bridge in Kaduna North. The traffic congestion daily witnessed during these two movements is so dense that the journey, which ordinarily should not take more than 15 minutes, lasts for as much as one and a half hours.

News Watch

Our normal revolutions: 1989 and change in our time

By Anthony Barnett

What were the revolutions of 1989? Timothy Garton Ash has a review article in the NYRB on a large clutch of accounts of that year, to mark the twentieth anniversary of the end of the Cold War. We know what they did – they led to the end of the Soviet Union and its bloc. He asks two related questions that have great relevance for today. What was it that united the movements of that exceptional year, including the movement that was crushed in China? And what was motivating the people in the crowds?

As Tim was in amongst the crowds, the latter might seem a strange question. But he has raised  something of great interest. His questions are not only about our recent history, they are also about what comes next. The peaceful revolutions of 1989 were not only an ending; the full stop, as it were, of Europe’s civil war 1914 to 1989, to borrow from Arno Meyer. They were also the opening of the new period we are now living through, and they set the stage for change in tomorrow’s world. They were the beginning of the new.

The reason why Garton Ash can ask his questions is surely this: The stereotype of the revolutionary crowd we believe we are familiar with is that of the dammed of the earth (if egged on by educated but marginalised trouble-makers) driven by rage and despair, willing to hurl themselves at the old order, putting up barricades, taking up arms when they can get them, in short the uprising of the people as an insurrection, the crowd as a revolutionary force precipitating what Fred Halliday recently nailed in openDemocracy as the myth of ‘The Revolution’

But the crowds of 1989 were not like this. They were peaceful, often middle class, pouring into a political opening when they felt they had the permission to insist on their views – much as the East Berliners poured through the Berlin Wall as it was dismantled after the East German guards put down their guns. They wanted freedom. But they did not at all want a ‘revolution’ of the traditional kind, on the contrary they were mobilising against that myth. Yet nor were they reactionary, motivated by pinched, superstitious credulity. They were not a black mob.

Undoubtedly these movements of peoples around the world were a driver for change. Without it the Cold War would not have ended. So they were not mere protest movements or demonstrations. Yet they were not classic revolutionary uprisings or (a linked phenomenon) national liberation movements, with networks of organisers willing to fight and die for their cause. When some were killed, as in Tiananmen Square, they became civilian martyrs who confirmed the spontaneous, largely leaderless nature of the mass outpouring, political innocents not ‘ringleaders’. We can see the parallel today in the shooting of 27 year old Neda Agha-Soltan in Tehran (filmed as it happened thanks to the current ubiquity of video on mobile phones). The uprisings of 1989 produced representative figures, spokesmen and women who were exceptionally brave. But they were not the Jacobin organisers of the upsurge, while those who attempted to adopt this role afterwards have slipped into obscurity.

So Garton Ash’s questions are linked. By wanting a synthetic description of what happened to the world that year, “the best of years”, and by wanting to know what the crowds who took the streets and, in Europe at least, toppled tyrants were dreaming of, he is asking what defined the moment, why was it different in its parts and in its sum?

I have a single answer to this double question. The crowds of 1989 were driven by a desire to be normal. This is what linked together the movements of 1989 across the world where they occurred (large parts of the world, such as Latin America, had different political bio-rhythm) and this is what those in the crowds wanted individually and as a shared desire.

The crowds had a revolutionary wisdom, two words that have not usually been linked together. They saw further than the leaders of their regimes. They reversed the traditional terms of trade, that the governed are foolish and self-interested and their rulers far-sighted and aware of what is best.

Open Democracy

Ahmed Rashid’s War

Karzai’s Scribe

By TARIQ ALI

After breakfast, I read Gideon Rachman’s often revealing blog on the Financial Times website. Today there was some very good news. Ahmed Rashid, a leading adviser to the US hawks on Afghanistan, is depressed. Deconstructing Rachman on this occasion might be useful for CounterPunch readers:

“…Jon Snow of Channel 4 News, allowed me to gatecrash a breakfast he was having with Ahmed Rashid. In theory, Ahmed is just a journalist like us. But his views on Afghanistan and Pakistan are now so widely sought that he has really become a player. He seems to be consulted by everybody – and I mean, everybody.”

This last is a slight exaggeration. The main people who consult Rashid, apart from Robert Silvers at the New York Review of Books, are US policy-makers in favor of a continuous occupation of Afghanistan. Rashid provides them with many a spurious argument to send more troops and wipe out the Pashtuns opposing the occupation. Within Afghanistan, Rashid’s principal backer and friend is Hamid Karzai who has now managed to antagonize even the tamest US liberals such as Peter Galbraith, recently sacked as a UN honcho in Kabul because he suggested that Karzai had rigged the elections. Rashid the journalist has no time for people who suggest that Karzai is a corrupt rogue, whose family is now the richest in the country, or that he manipulates US public opinion with the aid of PR companies, friends in Washington and, of course, Ahmed Rashid himself.

Back to the Rachman blog:

“So it was worrying to find Ahmed in a distinctly depressed mood. The last time I saw him was back in April at the Nato summit in Strasbourg, when he was feeling a bit cheerier. He had been impressed by the Obama administration’s decision to put more troops into Afghanistan, and cheered by the Pakistani military’s apparent willingness to take on the Pakistani Taliban in the Swat valley. But now, he is seriously worried that the Americans are having cold feet and will step back – and that Pakistan itself will be be destablized by a resurgence of the Afghan Taliban.”

Its astonishing to me why neither Snow nor Rachman, both intelligent journalists, did not question Rashid on what are the real problems confronting Pakistan and whether killing people is the only solution? Rashid is committed to the current corrupt regime led by Asif Zardari who together with his cronies and henchmen does the bidding of the US Embassy in Ialamabad without questioning any instruction.

The US Viceroy in Pakistan, Anne Patterson 9earlier posting: Colombia) can be disarmingly frank. Earlier this year, she offered a mid-term assessment to a visiting Euro-intelligence chief. While Musharraf had been unreliable, saying one thing in Washington and doing its opposite back home, Zardari was perfect: ‘He does everything we ask.’

What is disturbing here is not Patterson’s candor, but her total lack of judgment. Zardari may be a willing creature of Washington, but the intense hatred for him in Pakistan is not confined to his political opponents. He is despised principally because of his venality. He has carried on from where he left off as minister of investment in his late wife’s second government. Within weeks of occupying President’s House, his minions were ringing the country’s top businessmen, demanding a share of their profits.

Take the case of Mr X, who owns one of the country’s largest banks. He got a call. Apparently the president wanted to know why his bank had sacked a PPP member soon after Benazir Bhutto’s fall in the late 1990s. X said he would find out and let them know. It emerged that the sacked clerk had been caught with his fingers literally in the till. President’s House was informed. The explanation was rejected. The banker was told that the clerk had been victimized for political reasons. The man had to be reinstated and his salary over the last 18 years paid in full together with the interest due. The PPP had also to be compensated and would expect a cheque (the sum was specified) soon. Where the president leads, his retainers follow. Many members of the cabinet and their progeny are busy milking businessmen and foreign companies.

CP

(Submitted by reader)

“No Pago” Confronts Microfinance in Nicaragua

By Elyssa Pachico

Last January in northern Nicaragua, as a crowd of hundreds blockaded the Panamerican Highway late into the cool Monday night—soaking tires in gasoline before setting them on fire, hurling rocks at police and TV cameramen, bringing traffic to a standstill for 10 miles—the words once again began appearing in news reports and political speeches and inside the National Assembly debate halls: No Pago, No Pago!

In the months that followed, the refrain was hardly absent from the airwaves—not on May 12, when a group of 20 people smashed the windows of a truck belonging to a local microfinance organization, or in early September, when some loan officers were so harassed by protesters barricading their office doors and badgering the clients who attempted to enter that they decided to stop showing up to work altogether.

These incidents are only a few examples of the bad feeling that microfinance institutions (MFIs) have inspired among a section of the rural population in north and central Nicaragua. Confronted by the bold protests of the Movimiento de Productores, Comerciantes y Microempresarios de Nueva Segovia, or more colloquially as the No Pago (I Won’t Pay) movement, politicians are growing increasingly nervous that the group’s protests are scaring away international investors and could strike a heavy blow against the country’s shaky economy.

The first signs of unrest appeared more than a year ago, following remarks made by President Daniel Ortega at a political rally in the northwestern province of Jalapa. The region was simmering with tension after a large microfinance corporation had six debtors arrested. Their families chose to barricade the highways for 11 days in protest.

“We need to end this policy of usury,” Ortega told a crowd on July 12. “Instead of protesting on the streets, protest before the offices of usurers and plant yourselves before them. Stand firm, for we support you!”

Ten days later, borrowers behind in their loan payments tried to burn down a microfinance office in the department of Nueva Segovia. Some time afterward, debtors stormed another MFI and refused to let personnel leave the building; the resulting showdown with police left one civilian blinded from a rubber bullet.

The No Pago movement, which has been estimated by the media to consist of somewhere around 10,000 members, has largely been fueled by complaints that MFIs charge interest rates that are too high, leaving borrowers swamped in unmanageable debt. Nicaragua has the greatest number of MFIs in Central America, with an estimated 450,000 clients and an approximate $400 million portfolio. Clients in the economy’s informal sector typically take out small loans in order, for example, to buy an oven to make and sell corn goodies known as rosquillas or start up a fruit-vending stand or purchase some cows and pigs. The 19 institutions that make up ASOMIF, a national microfinance association that has borne the brunt of the movement’s wrath charge, on average, between 10% and 12% annual interest. The Fondo de Desarollo Local, the largest microfinance institution belonging to ASOMIF, handles 75,000 clients and charges an 18% interest rate. Omar Vilchez, the former Sandinista mayor of Jalapa and the big-bellied, big-voiced de facto leader of No Pago, has demanded that the maximum interest rate be lowered to 8%, a number that government officials have called unthinkable.

NACLA

New Edition of The Blue Pages Means You’ll Never Shop the Same Way Again

Contact: Dave Levinthal (CRP), 202-354-0111; Darcy Cohan (The Blue Pages), 415-339-4111

WASHINGTON — A new book detailing the political contributions and practices of nearly 5,000 companies goes on sale today, providing consumers with a powerful tool in helping them vote with their wallets.

The Blue Pages: A Directory of Companies Rated by Their Politics and Practices, written by Angie Crouse and the Center for Responsive Politics (PoliPointPress, November 2, 2009), is the second edition of this best-selling pocket directory. The Center for Responsive Politics provided the data used throughout the book.

In it, businesses are organized alphabetically into 13 sectors covering cars, clothes, computers, insurance, financial, food and beverage, health and beauty, home and garden, media and entertainment, telecommunications and Internet, and travel and leisure.

Each entry describes unique features of companies’ business practices that may include charitable causes, social programs, labor practices, domestic partner and child-care benefits, nondiscrimination policies and treatment of disabled employees. It also explains whether a company contributes more money to Republicans or Democrats, and how much.

New to The Blue Pages, Second Edition is the reporting of federal lobbying expenditures, which in 2008 totaled $3.3 billion. Additionally, the new edition expands listings with environmental policies and practices of the companies tracked. Each sector overview opens with commentary from an expert in the field.

Brimming with current and often surprising information, The Blue Pages will educate consumers of all political leaning. Here’s just a sample of the information found in The Blue Pages, Second Edition:

AT&T — Total contributions to Republican Party: $2,875,123; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $2,531,482; Lobby Spending: $32,214,784;

ExxonMobil — Total contributions to Republican Party: $1,085,223; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $333,799; Lobby Spending: $45,940,000;

Google — Total contributions to Republican Party: $326,323; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $1,503,549; Lobbying Spending: $4,360,000;

Pfizer — Total contributions to Republican Party: $1,048,363; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $1,115,048; Lobby Spending: $26,410,000;

Starbucks — Total contributions to Republican Party: $10,392; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $139,894; Lobby Spending: $1,028,000;

Wal-Mart Stores — Total contributions to Republican Party: $922,498; Total contributions to Democratic Party: $741,228; Lobby Spending: $10,590,000.

The ideal gift for the political junkie or any conscientious shopper, The Blue Pages is slim and portable, and slips into a backpack, glove compartment or purse. This useful resource allows consumers to make more informed decisions by following corporate spending and policies, thus staying true to their political views when spending their money.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Angie Crouse is a political researcher who has worked on Joe Conason’s The Raw Deal and The Great Divide: Retro vs. Metro America by John Sperling et al.

The Center for Responsive Politics is a nonpartisan research group based in Washington, D.C., that tracks money in politics and its effect on elections and public policy. The center conducts computer-based research on political finance for the news media, academics, activists and the public at large. Its work, featured at OpenSecrets.org, is aimed at creating a more educated voter, an involved citizenry, and a more transparent and responsive government.

Open Secrets

To Understand Pakistan, 1947 Is The Wrong Lens

The hurt that moves Pakistan is from a wound more recent—1971

By Khurram Hussain

On a recent trip to India, I was moved by the genuine concern people have about Pakistan. As a Pakistani living in the United States, I am subjected daily to serious exasperation, courtesy the American media. Americans do not understand Pakistan because they do not care. And there is no real knowledge without caring. Indians certainly do care. Pakistan has been on the Indian mind since the moment of their co-creation. India and Pakistan are like two ends of a thread tied in a fantastic Gordian knot; their attachment magically survives their severance. And how the love grows! The recent Jaswant Singh controversy over Jinnah only partially unveiled how Pakistan is critical to the ideological coherence of Indian nationalism in both its secular and Hindutva varieties. But behind this veil, Pakistan has always been internal to Indian politics. It should come as no surprise then that establishment Indians (bureaucratic and political elites, intellectuals, media types, and the chattering classes) are well-versed in the nuances of Pakistani society. Indians understand Pakistan like no one else does, or can.

Still, there is this curious blind spot: no one in India appears to remember 1971. Worse, no one seems to think it relevant. For all their sophistication, Indian elites continue to understand Pakistan primarily with reference to the events of 1947. Anything else is incidental, not essential. The established Indian paradigms for explaining Pakistan, its actions and its institutions, its state and society, have not undergone any significant shift since the Partition. The tropes remain the same: religion and elite manipulation explain everything. It is as if the pre-Partition politics of the Muslim League continues to be the politics of Pakistan—with slight non-essential variations. More than 60 years on, the factors may be different but little else has changed.

This view is deeply flawed. It reflects a serious confusion about the founding event of contemporary Pakistani society. The Partition has a mesmerising quality that blinds the mind, a kind of notional heft that far outweighs its real significance to modern South Asian politics. The concerns of the state of Pakistan, the anxieties of its society, and the analytic frames of its intellectual and media elites have as their primary reference not 1947 but the traumatic vivisection of the country in 1971. Indians have naturally focused on their own vivisection, their own dismemberment; but for Pakistan, they have focused on the wrong date. This mix-up has important consequences.

Outlook India