“I am under a lot of pressure to not diagnose PTSD”

A secret recording reveals the Army may be pushing its medical staff not to diagnose post-traumatic stress disorder. The Army and Senate have ignored the implications.

By Michael de Yoanna and Mark Benjamin

“Sgt. X” is built like the Bradley Fighting Vehicle he rode in while in Iraq. He’s as bulky, brawny and seemingly impervious as a tank.
In an interview in the high-rise offices of his Denver attorneys, however, symptoms of the damaged brain inside that tough exterior begin to appear. Sgt. X’s eyes go suddenly blank, shifting to refocus oddly on a wall. He pauses mid-sentence, struggling for simple words. His hands occasionally tremble and spasm.

For more than a year he’s been seeking treatment at Fort Carson for a brain injury and post-traumatic stress disorder, the signature injuries of the Iraq war. Sgt. X is also suffering through the Army’s confusing disability payment system, handled by something called a medical evaluation board. The process of negotiating the system has been made harder by his war-damaged memory. Sgt. X’s wife has to go with him to doctor’s appointments so he’ll remember what the doctor tells him.

But what Sgt. X wants to tell a reporter about is one doctor’s appointment at Fort Carson that his wife did not witness. When she couldn’t accompany him to an appointment with psychologist Douglas McNinch last June, Sgt. X tucked a recording device into his pocket and set it on voice-activation so it would capture what the doctor said. Sgt. X had no idea that the little machine in his pocket was about to capture recorded evidence of something wounded soldiers and their advocates have long suspected — that the military does not want Iraq veterans to be diagnosed with PTSD, a condition that obligates the military to provide expensive, intensive long-term care, including the possibility of lifetime disability payments. And, as Salon will explore in a second article Thursday, after the Army became aware of the tape, the Senate Armed Services Committee declined to investigate its implications, despite prodding from a senator who is not on the committee. The Army then conducted its own internal investigation — and cleared itself of any wrongdoing.

When Sgt. X went to see McNinch with a tape recorder, he was concerned that something was amiss with his diagnosis. He wanted to find out why the psychologist had told the medical evaluation board that handles disability payments that Sgt. X did not, in fact, have PTSD, but instead an “anxiety disorder,” which could substantially lower the amount of benefits he would receive if the Army discharged him for a disability. The recorder in Sgt. X’s pocket captured McNinch in a moment of candor. (Listen to a segment of the recording here.)
“OK,” McNinch told Sgt. X. “I will tell you something confidentially that I would have to deny if it were ever public. Not only myself, but all the clinicians up here are being pressured to not diagnose PTSD and diagnose anxiety disorder NOS [instead].” McNinch told him that Army medical boards were “kick[ing] back” his diagnoses of PTSD, saying soldiers had not seen enough trauma to have “serious PTSD issues.”
“Unfortunately,” McNinch told Sgt. X, “yours has not been the only case … I and other [doctors] are under a lot of pressure to not diagnose PTSD. It’s not fair. I think it’s a horrible way to treat soldiers, but unfortunately, you know, now the V.A. is jumping on board, saying, ‘Well, these people don’t have PTSD,’ and stuff like that.”

Contacted recently by Salon, McNinch seemed surprised that reporters had obtained the tape, but answered questions about the statements captured by the recording. McNinch told Salon that the pressure to misdiagnose came from the former head of Fort Carson’s Department of Behavioral Health. That colonel, an Army psychiatrist, is now at Fort Lewis in Washington state. “This was pressure that the commander of my Department of Behavioral Health put on me at that time,” he said. Since McNinch is a civilian employed by the Army, the colonel could not order him to give a specific, lesser diagnosis to soldiers. Instead, McNinch said, the colonel would “refuse to concur with me, or argue with me, or berate me” when McNinch diagnosed soldiers with PTSD. “It is just very difficult being a civilian in a military setting.”

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The Challenge for Africa: Kenyan Nobel Peace Laureate Wangari Maathai on Obama, Climate Change and War

We turn now to the Nobel Peace Prize-winning Kenyan environmentalist, lawmaker and civil society activist, Wangari Maathai. Her latest book, The Challenge for Africa, tackles the broad obstacles to living in peace, justice, environmental and economic security for the one billion people across the continent of Africa.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about, first, how you became an environmentalist, what first sparked you, the Green Belt Movement, and then taking that large to all of Africa, what you’re doing today?
WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, anybody who sees the film that will be showing next week on PBS called Taking Root and then reads this book, The Challenge for Africa, will see how I started, first and foremost, as a project for the National Council of Women, responding to the basic needs of women from the countryside and who were members of the National Council of Women; and how that led me into a tree-planting campaign, encouraging women to form groups; and how that led me into governance issues, when I saw that when you have a non-democratic, a non-accountable, a non-caring, a greedy government, that it is very easy to destroy the environment and to destroy the livelihoods of the very people you are leading, and then I started advocating for basic human rights; and then how that led me to deciding that maybe I should become a legislator myself; and how, in the course of all those thirty years, I have come to realize that what we need is a very holistic approach to Africans’ issues and that we need to understand that it is not one track, that there are many issues that need to be approached simultaneously, as we have tried to do in the Green Belt Movement.

AMY GOODMAN: You have written about—in Time magazine, you had an article last month—in the Los Angeles Times, rather—“Where Are Africa’s Obamas?” What do you mean?
WANGARI MAATHAI: What I was reflecting on is the fact that the Obama phenomenon is such an inspiring story in Africa, and young people and leaders in Africa are talking about Obama, are enthusiastic about Obama, are looking up to Obama, and yet they are not creating in Africa an environment, a peaceful environment, a democratic environment, a conducive environment for the little Obamas in Africa to realize their potential, because, after all, there are so many young people who were born at the same time that Obama was born.
And the challenge I was putting to the African leadership is, if this young man had grown up in this region, would he have been able to exploit his potential the way he has been able to do it in the United States of America? Does one have to go to the United States of America to experience their potential? So, in a way, I was putting a challenge to ourselves to create the kind of conducive environment where our children can experience their full potential.

AMY GOODMAN: Wangari Maathai, you have won the Nobel Peace Prize, and I was wondering about your response to President Obama escalating the war in Afghanistan. Though he did initially oppose the war in Iraq, he’s taken a different approach with Afghanistan.
WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, quite obviously, it’s always very easy to criticize from a distance and especially without the insight and the inside story. And we would want to see the war end, but we also know that the world is not as peaceful as we would want it to be. So I’m really hoping that with his commitment to end the war, that he will do whatever it takes to ensure that we have peace.

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A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-088-2009
April 14, 2009
A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission
PAKISTAN: A lawyer’s life is in danger after witnessing the abduction of three doomed men by intelligence agents
The Asian Human Rights Commission believes that the life of Balochi lawyer, Mr. Kachkol Ali is in danger, after he witnessed the abduction of three clients, shortly before they were found murdered in Balochistan province. Although the captors wore plain clothes, various signs suggest that they were from Pakistan’s military intelligence agencies. Please see our previous report at http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2009/3145/.

Local media reports say that state agents are now on the hunt for Mr. Kachkol Ali. His homes in Quetta and Panjgore city are under surveillance and his legal offices in Turbat city have been cordoned off by plain-clothed persons. He is currently in hiding. His fears are based on the fact that – as reported previously by the AHRC – a number of Balochistan men have disappeared after witnessing intelligence agents in action. The three men found dead on April 8, 2009 were themselves members of a committee probing into forced disappearances by the former military government.
Please see http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2009statements/1984/

The lawyer had already reported that he believed Military Intelligence (MI) agents were to blame for the abduction of the three activists, and that he saw two unmarked vehicles belonging to the Frontier Core (FC), a Paramilitary force, following the cards that took away the three men.

Para military forces are currently deployed in every Baloch city, where they are curbing the freedoms of citizens, including women and children, who are trying to protest the murder of the activists. According to eyewitness reports, one female protestor has been baton-charged by police and FC members, and a number of women have been arrested in the city of Tump, where the police station was just burned down. It is quite clear that the illegal and often lethal acts by state agencies in Balochistan – and the impunity they enjoy – will only serve to further deteriorate the situation in the province.

The Asian Human Rights Commission calls for Mr. Kachkol Ali to be offered necessary protection, and for his evidence against those in the military to be heard. Those acting on behalf of the state should do so in full uniform. A dialogue must also be revived with Baloch leaders and their parties, and legal and restrained governance demonstrated by those in power. The answer to this crisis will not be found in state-sponsored murder and the general oppression of civil society.
# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

(Submitted by Abdul Hamid Bashani Khan)

The Mems And Saabs Of Berlin

Forget Raj Kapoor fans in Russia. An international fan club now stalks Bollywood online, says NISHA SUSAN
WHEN BIRGIT PESTAL stumbled upon a film shoot in India she called Barbara Skoda in Vienna. “They are shooting a song sequence. It’s for a movie called Shaadi Ke After Effects with two actors called Arbaaz Khan and Malaika Arora. Do we know them?” “YES! We do.

They are Salman´s brother and sister-inlaw. You might know him from Hulchul and her as the item girl with SRK in Kaal,” replied Barbara, a 36-year-old manager at a media-technology college but is better known online as Babasko, author of the effervescent blog Baba Aur Bollywood. She and half-a-dozen others from across the world who have formed the group blog Bollywoodbloggers.com are the most visible online presence of non-Indian fans of Indian cinema.

Perhaps it’s not so surprising that Pestal, a German journalist wrote a book on Bollywood (the title roughly translates to Fascination Bollywood: Numbers, facts and background in the German-speaking countries). But one can only imagine Yash Raj Films’ reaction if they knew their big 2008 release Tashan has been most closely tracked by a 20-year-old Finnish girl. Since 2006, Sanni’s been following Tashan, the latest manifestation of her favourite Bollywood phenomena ‘Sakshay’: movies in which Saif Ali Khan and Akshay Kumar appear together. As an annexure to an extensive manifesto on her blog (So They Dance) she writes, “The thing you should know about Sakshay is that they haven’t done a single honest good movie. You have good Sakshay movies (and bad ones), but you don’t have good Sakshay movies. The distinction is very important… Sakshay has previously been cheesy, unintentionally amusing, vaguely homoerotic and undeniably entertaining. Sakshay has previously been 90’s. Now Sakshay is sleek and cool, 2000’s Bollywood… That’s what’s going to make Tashan the best movie ever.”

Neither Sanni nor Barbara are among those newly seduced by SRK’s bravura appearance at the Berlin Film Festival in 2007 alongside the release of Om Shanti Om (with 50 prints OSO was the biggest Bollywood release in Germany yet). Many may have been hooked by slick, global Bollywood a few years ago, but they stuck around for Indian cinema. Greta Kaemmer works for American Express in Boston. She watches 3-5 Indian films per week, blogs at Memsaabstory and would kill to meet Shammi Kapoor. She “prefers the romantic comedies and silly spy thrillers of the 60s and 70s.” Others like Barbara and Michael Langhans, a German advocate, love Tamil and Telugu cinema. Barbara says “Rajni Superstar rulez” and that “None of the 2006 Hindi releases made my heart ache the way Surya did in Sillunu Oru Kaadhal.”
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Uptick in Vasectomies Seen as Sign of Recession

By LESLEY ALDERMAN

Last November I learned, to my great surprise, that I was pregnant. At age 47, I was not exactly trying to conceive.
My husband and I were conflicted:
Another baby — how wonderful!
Another child — how stressful! How risky! How EXPENSIVE!

With the economy in a free fall, this seemed no time to have a baby.
When the pregnancy ended in a miscarriage at seven weeks, we were sad. But also relieved. My husband’s only half-joking response was, “It’s time for a vasectomy.”

Turns out we were not alone in our thinking. Urologists and clinics have noticed an uptick in recent months in the number of men requesting vasectomies.

It is too early to proclaim a bona fide trend in elective sterilization, because no organization regularly tracks the number of vasectomies performed on an annual or even a monthly basis. The most recent comprehensive data come from a study published in The Journal of Urology in 2006, which estimated that about 527,000 vasectomies were performed in this country each year.

But the recent anecdotal data, if they hold, would have a historical parallel in the Great Depression, when the birth rate fell sharply.
As this recession continues, it is understandable that more people might hesitate to expand their families. A baby born in 2006 — the latest year for which data are available — will cost middle-income parents $260,000 by the time the child reaches 17, according to the Agriculture Department. And that doesn’t include college.

In Southern California, Planned Parenthood says that compared with last year’s first quarter, requests for vasectomies were up more than 30 percent in the first three months of this year at its clinics in San Diego and Riverside Counties, where 64 of the procedures were done.
“The recession has created a new level of urgency among our clients,” said Vince Hall, a spokesman. “We used to have a three- to six-week waiting period. Now men have to wait two-and-a-half months to get an appointment.”

Helping spur demand, he said, might be the fact that unemployed men often qualify for free vasectomies under Family PACT, a California family planning program for low-income households.
On the Upper East Side of Manhattan, where the financial industry’s collapse has compressed many a household budget, Dr. Marc Goldstein says he has been performing more vasectomies than usual over the last five months.

Through most of last year, Dr. Goldstein, who directs male reproductive medicine and microsurgery at the New York-Presbyterian Hospital/Weill Cornell Medical Center, was performing about six vasectomies a month. Then, in November, the number rose to nine, where it was holding steady through the end of March.

“I’ve been in practice for 30 years, and I’ve never seen a spike like this,” Dr. Goldstein said. “Many of my clients work in finance and say they feel anxious about the expense of an added child.”

NY Times

The US, Kazakhstan and Japan Rethink Iran’s Nuclear Rights

By M. K. Bhadrakumar

When the wastes of Qyzylqum and Karakum blossom in early spring, the enchanting sight can pain one’s heart. But the killer deserts are deceptive in appearance, especially Qyzylqum, which is in the tract of land between the two great rivers in Central Asia – the Amu Darya and Sirdarya.

In the spring of 1220, when Genghis Khan abruptly rode out of the Qyzylqum with a few hundred Mongol horsemen to take the Amir of Bukhara by surprise, the Amir never imagined that the desert would so easily concede safe passage to a Mongol stranger. Bukhara – one of the biggest cities at that time along with Cordoba, Cairo and Baghdad – paid heavily for the desert’s treachery. Bukhara took over two centuries to recover from “God’s wrath”, which the austere Khan insisted he was administering to the slothful, opulent city for its sinful ways.

It is again early spring in the Central Asian steppes. There is a deceptive calm, but all signs are that the Great Game is bestirring from its slumber. The United States is focusing on the key Central Asian country of Kazakhstan, which straddles the Qyzylqum and the Karakum, to stage a strategic comeback in the region. Prospects are brighter than ever as Kazakhstan is edging closer to the chairmanship of the Organization of Security and Economic Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) next year. The OSCE leadership brings Kazakhstan into the forefront of the Western strategies in Eurasia – and out of Russian orbit.

The war in nearby Afghanistan provides the backdrop for the US’s proactive diplomacy. But that, too, is deceptive. It seems the US is also probing a solution to the Iran nuclear problem with Kazakhstan’s helping hand. The urgency is great and President Barack Obama has already hinted that he intends to pay a visit to Kazakhstan, the first ever to the steppes by an American president.

According to the Wall Street Journal, the Obama administration is “carefully considering” the setting up of an international uranium fuel bank in Kazakhstan, which could form the exit strategy for the historic US-Iran standoff. That is why the visit by the Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad to Astana, Kazakhstan, on Monday assumes exceptional importance.

In bits and pieces, a stray thought has been surfacing in the recent months in the US discourses over the situation surrounding Iran. It sought a rethink of Washington’s insistence on Iran jettisoning its pursuit of uranium enrichment as a pre-requisite of commencement of direct talks between the two countries. This was borne out of a growing realization that the US insistence was no longer tenable. A logjam has indeed developed as it became clearer by the day that within the fractious Iranian opinion there is virtual unanimity when it comes to the continuance of the country’s nuclear program, and effecting a regime change in Tehran didn’t necessarily alter Iran’s policies.

The Obama administration faces the reality that unless the impasse is broken somehow, the standoff continues. The standoff worked to Iran’s advantage only insofar as the country speeded up its nuclear program ever since the series of United Nations (UN) Security Council resolutions since 2006 began forbidding Iran from enriching uranium. Iran today has installed over 5,500 centrifuges and built up a stockpile exceeding 1,000 kilograms of low-enriched uranium.

It now appears that the US might cede to Iran’s nuclear program. The Wall Street Journal reported last Friday that as part of a policy review commissioned by Obama, “diplomats are discussing whether the US will eventually have to accept Iran’s insistence on carrying out the [enrichment] process, which can produce both nuclear fuel and weapons-grade material”. The newspaper assessed that the Obama administration’s message to Tehran is increasingly shaping up as “Don’t develop a nuclear weapon” – a nuanced stance that would not rule out a deal accepting Iranian enrichment as such. It pointed out that Obama’s articulations on the subject have become much less specific than those of former president George W Bush, who never minced words in crying a halt to Iran’s enrichment.

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“We are committed to multiparty democracy, freedom of press and rule of law…”

In this interview with Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal printed in the Wednesday edition of the Finnish newsmagazine, Suomen Kuvalehti, Katri Merikallio asks him about his commitment to democracy, the free press and the future of the peace process.


Suomen Kuvalehti: How would you describe your past seven months in power?
Pushpa Kamal Dahal:
Everybody knows that we are going through a very delicate and sensitive transition period. We have many challenges, but altogether I can conclude that things are going ahead step by step, facing many twists and turns, in the process of drafting a new democratic constitution.

What would be your three main challenges?
Peace, until and unless this unique and homegrown peace process is not concluded there is always the danger of instability and anarchy. We need to take this historic peace process to its logical conclusion. The second challenge is to build a consensus between all the political parties. We have broad areas of agreement on the form of democracy, human rights, rule of law, independent judiciary and freedom of press, but there are some issues where we still need to agree: what kind of federalism we need, how power will be shared between autonomous regions, differences on the issue of form of governance. The third challenge is that the people have very high expectations from the change and we have to meet them.
In some aspects fighting the war was easier than handling the democratic governance process. But both have their own characteristics, and you can’t really compare. I am fully confident that we will take the peace process forward and draft the constitution in the stipulated timeframe.
There are reports of continued intimidation, and violence is on the increase. Some of this is being blamed on your party.
I cannot agree with this statement. This is highly exaggerated. It is correct that we are having a very delicate transition period ? there are so many remnants from the previous conflict and we cannot eradicate it overnight. If you look at peace processes elsewhere in the world our peace process is much smoother. There are some unwanted activities and we are committed to punish the guilty and end impunity. In some media problems have been highly exaggerated.

What about the tensions within your own party?

To lead the revolution into a peaceful process and to hold elections and then to lead the government within a very short span of time is miraculous. But we have transformed not just our party but the whole society. Naturally there are different tendencies within my party extreme left, extreme right, vacillation tendency but overall the pragmatic more dialectic and realistic tendency is now dominant. The extremist tendency has been defeated.

If you look at the future which kind of governance model would you prefer: Korea, China or India?
I don’t want to compare ourselves with anyone, but we have to learn from the negative and positive aspects of other revolutions during the 20th century. It is our conclusion that without multiparty democracy we can’t serve the people and humanity. For now we have to cooperate that with other parliamentary parties.There should be no serious doubt about out commitment to multiparty democracy, freedom of press and rule of law. During the insurgency, I have praised the media and spoken out against the feudal autocracy trying to suppress the media.
But the Committee to Protect Journalists says Nepal is still one of the most dangerous places in the world for journalists and no one has been arrested.
It is unfortunate that even during the peace process a number of journalists have been killed, but it is not correct that no one has been arrested or punished. In some cases I, myself, took the initiative to capture some people to be handed over to police custody, and the case is going in the court. In one case, in the Tarai of Birendra Sah the killing was not related to our party. Recently, there was the case of Uma Singh, and here also the accused are in jail or some are underground, they were not related to any party. It was proved that this was related to property, a family dispute. It is wrong to say that nothing has been done. It is an exaggeration. The government is fully committed to end impunity.

Yourself, how Maoist are you?
(Laughs) Very interesting question. I always understood Marxism, Leninism, Maoism as a social struggle, and that conflict analysis is the soul of social science. All the great leaders of the proletariat, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao said that nothing should be mechanically copied from one revolution or one country. We have to analyse the situation and understand the dynamics of change. If you mechanically copy what Mao did in China then you’re not a real Maoist. There are some who want to dogmatically apply what Mao did, but China itself has changed.

How about the Maoist movement in India?
Revolutions can’t be exported or imported. What they do in India is solely their responsibility. There are some communist parties in India ? some are extremely left and some extremely right. When I took the path of multiparty democracy and embarked on the peace process there was serious debate within the Maoists in India about whether they should follow the Maoists in Nepal or not. There are some people in the Maoist movement in India who oppose us and say we have abandoned revolution, but there are those who say that what Prachanda is doing is correct and that we should learn from his experience.

What are your expectations with the visit to Finland?
I am fully satisfied with the trend of cooperation. There is tremendous and big change going on in Nepal and the people have high expectations. I hope that cooperation can be enhanced particularly in education and forestry, not just in conservation but also the commercial use of forests. We also expect more help and cooperation in the constitution drafting process. We would also like to encourage investment in the IT sector.

Nepali Times

Another Awkward Sex Talk: Respect and Violence

By Perri Klass, MD


Not long ago, in the clinic, a fellow pediatrician and mother asked whether we were still teaching our sons old-fashioned elevator etiquette: stand back and let the ladies off first.

We all protested that we don’t particularly like it when men pull that elevator stunt — hospital elevators tend to be packed, and the best thing to do if you’re near the door is get out promptly — but we had to admit we thought our adolescent sons should know the drill.

Once you start asking about whether there are special lessons that should be taught to boys, people jump pretty quickly from elevators to sex (or maybe that’s just the crowd I run with). Sex, after all, is a subject on which pediatricians give plenty of advice. And it becomes very tricky to formulate that advice without making some unpleasant assumptions about adolescent sexuality.

It has never been easy for adults to deal with young teenagers honestly and sensibly on this subject, and it isn’t easy now. We live with an endless parade of hypersexualized images — and a constant soundtrack of adults lamenting children’s exposure to that endless parade. There’s increasing knowledge of dating violence, including well-publicized celebrity incidents. And there’s always a new movie to see about how adolescent boys are clueless, sex-obsessed goofballs.
Stir it all together, and you may get an official worldview in which boys are viewed as potential criminals and girls as potential victims.
William Pollack, a psychologist at Harvard Medical School who wrote “Real Boys: Rescuing Our Sons From the Myths of Boyhood” (Owl Books, 1999), argues that the way we talk to boys and young men about sex often stereotypes them and hurts their feelings.

“One boy said, ‘They treat us like we’re perpetrators — we have sexual needs but we also have other needs,’ ” Dr. Pollack told me.
Somehow, there has to be a way to talk about sex and relationships beyond the anatomical details, and a way to discuss what happens in school and what happens on the cover of People magazine.

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