By: Rajan Hoole
Colombo’s recent detention of and apparently coerced recantation by several Tamil doctors who had reported high civilian casualties is a potent example of the Colombo government’s determination to rewrite the final days of the war.
The question of the Sri Lankan government’s treatment of the detained ethnic-Tamil doctors, who served in the war zone in the north until almost the very end, has gone far beyond the fact of the doctors themselves, of their individual actions or sympathies. The fact that, while in government custody on 8 July, these men recanted what they had previously told the media while still in the war zone regarding the conditions faced by civilians, and that they went on to make new claims acutely at variance with basic fact, raises some timely questions regarding the recently concluded war.
What are the real casualties that the government is intent on suppressing? One does recognise that getting the people out of the grip of a force totally callous about civilian life was not going to be easy. And the purely military strategy, which did not take adequate account of the interests of the people, was guided by xenophobia and allowed the international community no role in protecting civilians, distorted every issue. Shelling civilians is criminal. But civilians trapped in the war zone later admitted that shelling by the army sometimes helped them – sending the LTTE cadres scurrying into their bunkers, giving civilians an opportunity to escape from them. All the while, though, the cadres’ orders were to shoot escapees.
The government’s unlawful refusal to accept a surrender of LTTE cadres forced them into a desperate plight. Further, the government announced on the afternoon of 17 May that all the civilians had left the area under LTTE control, and that the president would make a victory speech two days later. There were in fact more than 30,000 terrified civilians remaining in the last bit of territory. On the night of the 17th, LTTE cadres, facing their last hours, shelled civilian positions. The next morning the army moved in for the final kill, without making allowances for the civilian presence. Earthmoving equipment was later brought in to dispose of myriad corpses. Yet little is known about the last 11 days of the war, and one is left to judge from the testimonies of the doctors and civilians who fled the zone from 15 May onwards.
The truth circus
During those last days, information provided by three government doctors in particular – Thurairaja Varatharajah (the Vanni regional health director), V Shanmugarajah (a medical superintendent) and T Sathiyamoorthy – were heavily relied upon by the international media and agencies. They reported not only on the dead and injured that came within their purview as the fighting raged, but also on shortages of infant food, drugs and medicines, and their deteriorating ability to treat the casualties. For instance, Dr Shanmugarajah told the media that two overnight artillery barrages on 9 and 10 May had resulted in 430 civilians, including 106 children, either being brought to hospital for burial or dying after admission; at that time, Dr Shanmugarajah’s clinic had an additional 1100 injured with which to deal. Dr Varatharajah likewise reported that a mortar shell had hit the admissions ward of the makeshift hospital on 12 May, killing 49 people.
Even before the war had ended, the Health Ministry had begun accusing the three doctors of lying, ostensibly to bring the government into disrepute. Ministry officials threatened to sack them through means of dubious legality, and blindly rejected reports of the horrendous realities in which the doctors were working. Yet in general, what the doctors said about the conditions faced by civilians has been well corroborated. The doctors came out of the LTTE zone on 15 May, with the first group of civilians to leave the area, when a round of third-party negotiations had purportedly reached an understanding on the LTTE’s surrender. The doctors were promptly arrested, though there appears to be no real evidence of criminal misconduct. After about 54 days of detention, the doctors were produced before the press on 8 July, rehearsed and looking healthy – not in court but rather at the Defence Ministry. They were accompanied not by lawyers but by ministry handlers, one of whom seemed to reprimand one of the doctors for stating that he was a prisoner, pointing out that he was looking quite well.
At the Defence Ministry event, the doctors explained that the LTTE had forced them to lie about casualties, and that only around 750 civilians had actually been killed. This was in stark contrast to the 7,000 or more given unofficially by the UN and the 10,000 estimated by the diplomatic community. Dr Varatharajah also said that only 600 to 650 civilians had been injured from January to 15 April. During that same period, however, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) reports having transported, by sea, nearly 5000 injured. In fact, there was another piece of sleight-of-hand taking place at the press conference, as well. Altogether there were actually five arrested doctors, though the other two, Sivapalan and Illancheliyan, had hardly spoken to the media from the Vanni. Yet placing the former, who worked for an LTTE-run facility, alongside the government doctors who spoke to the media pre-judged the government doctors as LTTE mouthpieces.
It thus appeared that the government was playing a bizarre game, using the doctors to knock down casualty figures to unbelievably low levels. This game of hiding the truth is also closely tied to the continued detention of 300,000 displaced individuals, who are being held behind barbed wire and as yet are unable to speak with outsiders about their harrowing experiences in the war zone – experiences with both the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Army. This perpetuation of the state’s denial of accountability reinforces the oppression of minorities, and ensures the destruction of any semblance of the rule of law.
Today, the government has a duty before the world, the people of Sri Lanka and the Tamils in particular to agree to a process of impartial assessment that would make the truth public as to the bombing and shelling in the LTTE held areas during the spring of 2009. The state has never allowed an impartial assessment of truth in violence against minorities in Sri Lanka, ever since the first communal violence in 1956. The truth and corrective measures based on this could do much to heal some of the scars of war.
13,000 dead
Himal for more

